Written by L.C. Birch and T.O. Browning.

Abstract

Herbert George Andrewartha was born in Perth on 21 December 1907, the second of three children of George and Elsie Andrewartha. His father was a primary-school teacher, later a headmaster. The family moved often to country towns in Western Australia where his father was posted, but they maintained a base in a small farm at Gosnells, about 40 km from Perth. At the end of his primary schooling, Andrewartha was awarded a scholarship to Perth Modern School. He took up residence at the Gosnells home and lived alone. He travelled 5 km on horseback and 40 km by train each day to school. After several years, when his father retired to work the farm, his parents and two sisters returned. Andrewartha remained closely attached to his family throughout his life. His younger sister, Bon, died soon after marrying but his elder sister, Ethel, survived him. He was always very proud of her self-taught musical ability, taking an interest in the choral groups she led and for which she composed. He himself was tone deaf!

On completing his secondary schooling in 1924, Andrewartha was awarded a cadetship with the Western Australian Department of Agriculture and enrolled at the University of Western Australia, where in due course he took his Bachelor's degree in Agriculture. During his secondary schooling, and at University, he took little part in the social or sporting life because of the long journeys each day, but he played cricket and football for the local Gosnells teams, and tennis on a court made of clay from termite mounds - perhaps this led to his interest in insects. In any event, he continued to play tennis on his own grass court until he was laid low by a stroke a few years after his retirement in 1972.

After graduation, Andrewartha began work as Assistant Entomologist in the Department of Agriculture under the supervision of L.J. Newman, who had recently come to Western Australia from the Burnley School of Horticulture in Melbourne. He commenced a study of a weevil, Otiorrhynchus cribricollis, that infested fruit trees and this established his interest in the detailed analysis of life-cycles and behaviour of insects and in the phenomenon of 'diapause', in which an individual ceases morphological and reproductive development for a period and usually becomes highly resistant to inclement weather.

In 1933, Andrewartha took up a post in Melbourne with the CSIR as Assistant Research Officer and became part of a group of biologists studying the biology of the apple thrips, Thrips imaginis, which at that time was devastating apple crops in southern Australia. He worked in the School of Agriculture and Forestry at the University of Melbourne under the direction of Professor (later Sir) Samuel Wadham and was able to complete a thesis for which he was awarded the degree of Master of Agricultural Science. Through this work he met, worked with and married Hattie Vevers Steele, another young biologist.

In 1935, Andrewartha and his new wife moved to Adelaide, to the Waite Agricultural Research Institute, to join Professor James Davidson who was himself engaged in studies on T. imaginis. Andrewartha took some part in these studies, as did his wife for a time, but his main duties were the study of the plague grasshopper, Austroicetes cruciata, which was destroying field crops in South Australia and Western Australia in those days.

The plague grasshopper lived in the marginal farming areas of South Australia, lands where the mean annual rainfall was only just or not quite sufficient for growing wheat and the variability was great. Thus drought was frequent, and during the Great Depression much of the land had become badly eroded due to excessive cropping. Studies on the grasshopper entailed long journeys, often over very rough country, in a specially equipped utility truck – Andrewartha always carried two lengths of roof guttering-iron to help him negotiate landhills! His farm background and his innate ability to improvise enabled him to negotiate these trips without serious mishap, with his wife as diary-keeper and cook. However, on one occasion, when they did not arrive back in Adelaide as expected, Davidson asked the Australian Broadcasting Commission to send out a request for their whereabouts, which they did during a broadcast of a test-match, much to Andrewartha's chagrin! The broadcast stated that Andrewartha and his wife were last seen at Mount Hopeless!

In 1946 Professor Davidson died suddenly leaving unanalysed fifteen years of records of the numbers of thrips. Davidson and Andrewartha had discussed these data in detail over the years and had consulted E.A. Cornish of CSIR's Mathematical Statistics Section on the appropriate statistical analysis. So it was that Andrewartha was in a position to direct the very laborious statistical procedures, to appraise the results and to write the two papers that appeared under their joint names. These papers were to cause much controversy and were to be the forerunners of Andrewartha's general theory of population ecology.

At this time, Andrewartha made his first journey overseas, visiting England and the United States, where he met many of the influential scientists working with insects and in ecology. On his return, he wrote a review of the importance of diapause in enabling insects both to synchronise their life-cycles with the changing seasons and to persist in adverse conditions, and thus of its ecological significance. He also put forward a theory of the physiological nature of diapause but, unlike most of his work, this was based on inadequate data and did not stand up to critical analysis - a cautionary tale of entering into fields where one is insufficiently informed. We see similar instances when people, distinguished in other fields, pronounce on matters ecological.

Davidson and Andrewartha had been deeply engaged in an attempt to account for the often violent fluctuations in the numbers of individuals in populations. After Davidson's death, Andrewartha joined forces with his former graduate student, L.C. Birch, in a determined effort to construct a theory that would illuminate and unify the multifarious studies that had been published. The result was The Distribution and Abundance of Animals, which appeared in 1954. It was this book that established their reputations in the vanguard of population ecologists.

Soon after the publication of this book, Andrewartha moved from the Waite Institute to the Zoology Department of the University of Adelaide to become Reader-in-Charge of a small Unit of Animal Ecology, set up by Professor W.P. Rogers with financial support from CSIRO. Although Andrewartha while at the Waite Institute had taken a close interest in the work of the younger members of staff, and of the few postgraduate students in the Entomology Department, and had done some stints of lecturing, especially in statistics, he had not been in a position actively to supervise students nor to develop a course in ecology. So, on his move to Zoology, he began to set up a final-year unit in Animal Ecology and to gather round him a group of honours and postgraduate students. The undergraduate work was a considerable challenge because it is fair to say that no course in experimental ecology existed at that time, and Andrewartha was determined to introduce his students to the study of the distribution and abundance of animals through laboratory and field experiments that could be achieved within the restrictions of undergraduate time-tables. He also set out to design each exercise to be amenable to an appropriate statistical analysis, something with which zoology departments, at that time, were not at all familiar. His lectures were, of course, based on The Distribution and Abundance of Animals, but this was much too formidable a book for undergraduates, and contained a good deal of material that he did not consider relevant to his course. The result was the publication in 1961 of his Introduction to the Study of Animal Populations, a book containing a section on the theoretical treatment of populations and another consisting of a series of experiments, complete with representative data (much of which had been collected in his classes) and the detailed appropriate statistical analyses set out and explained. This course continued to attract large numbers of students until his retirement.

In 1962, Professor Rogers resigned from the Chair of Zoology and Andrewartha was appointed in his place. This was near the beginning of the great increase in funds available for postgraduate study, and so it was that during his tenure of the Chair, a large and flourishing school of research students and postdoctoral workers was built up. His agricultural background and his strong belief that good fundamental studies could always be done using animals of economic importance, either beneficial or detrimental, led most of his students into studies on abundant animals of importance in agriculture, medicine or households. A steady stream of PhD's emerged from the Department to go out into academia, industry or government research with thorough backgrounds in the theory and practice of experimental ecology, on which ideas like sustainable agriculture and forestry and conservation of natural resources depend.

The Distribution and Abundance of Animals had emphasised the importance, in trying to elucidate the causes of fluctuations in numbers, of a knowledge of certain aspects of the physiology of the animal being studied, and also of its behaviour. The Department of Zoology was fortunate in having strong groups in the early days in parasite physiology and biochemistry and in reproductive physiology, which helped broaden Andrewartha's understanding of these topics, to the benefit of his ability as a supervisor, and of his own thinking.

Andrewartha was a strong personality with strong convictions. He had very definite views about the supremacy of science as a way of thinking. This coloured much of his conversation with students and colleagues. The big difference of opinion he had with the so-called density-dependent school of regulation of animal numbers was due, he felt, to a misunderstanding on their part of the role of induction and deduction in science. He never accepted the premises that the density-dependent school regarded as fact. This misunderstanding was so important that he included a substantial statement on induction, deduction, hypothesis formation and theory in the book, The Ecological Web, that he later wrote with Birch.

Because of his strongly stated views, some people regarded him as somewhat abrasive or even pig-headed. Others found his position a wonderful anvil on which to hammer out their own views. The climax of the dispute between the density-dependent school and supporters of Andrewartha's views came at the 22nd Cold Spring Harbor Symposium in 1957 on 'Population Studies: Animal Ecology and Demography'. The symposium was largely organized by Theodosius Dobzhansky for the purpose of reconciling the opposing factions. The public dispute between Andrewartha and A.J. Nicholson became highly charged and personal, much to the dismay of the Americans in particular. Dobzhansky went away more confused than ever about these argumentative Australians.

Andrewartha's greatest influence was with his students, particularly his graduate students. They quickly warmed to his sincerity, humour and kind attention. Those whom he set on their life's path remained steadfast colleagues of his for the rest of their careers. They felt they had a mission to fulfil in making better understood the ecological thinking that had been so important for themselves. There was also a substantial group of ecologists, particularly in the Netherlands and the USA, who found in Andrewartha's theories concepts that guided their own research. Professor Daniel Simberloff, in writing the citation for the eminent Ecologist Award of the Ecological Society of America for 1988 to Andrewartha and Birch, said:

Both men have worked specially with insect populations, but their insights have informed our field to the extent that the "Andrewartha-Birch school" connotes a widely recognized viewpoint and suggests a distinctive research protocol. The Distribution and Abundance of Animals was the landmark synthesis of field population ecology that inspired a generation widely credited with constructing modern ecology...Their field and laboratory efforts were the starting points for a more general theory of population ecology that culminated in The Ecological Web...Andrewartha and Birch have been consistent skeptics, continually confronting fashionable models with hard-won field data on specific organisms...Their skepticism implies neither hostility to theory nor failure of their own viewpoint to evolve...Largely because of their books, Australian systems and Australian ecological research are part of the common vocabulary of ecologists throughout the world.

Andrewartha was ably supported by his wife Vevers until she died some years before his death. She was an entomologist and for some years worked on the embryology of the grasshopper Austroicetes cruciata when Andrewartha had this species as his main ecological project. She was always the gracious hostess at the many evening discussions of Honours and graduate students at their home in Netherby, near the Waite Institute. Together they worked long hours in their very large garden and looking after their grass tennis court, which was usually the venue of tennis games for friends throughout the tennis season.

Long before automatic garden watering systems had been invented, Andrewartha invented his own for their large garden. It was very much a 'Heath-Robinson' sort of contraption but it worked. Andrewartha was skilled at inventing all sorts of contraptions for the laboratory and field work as well. Scarcely any bit of laboratory equipment would come into the laboratory that 'Andy' did not alter and improve in some way. He designed the fine set of temperature controlled cabinets in his laboratory. On one occasion, when he was visiting Thomas Park at the University of Chicago, the Parks' toilet flushing system stopped working. Much to Tom's surprise, Andy got to work. It was going again in no time. 'Do all Australians do these sorts of things?' asked the somewhat abashed American host.

Especially in his younger days in Adelaide Andrewartha took a close interest in left-wing political matters. He was also active in the professional organizations associated with science and agriculture. He was a committee member of the Federation of Scientific and Technical Workers, a group interested in the working conditions of scientists and technicians, and he was active in and at one time president of the local branch of the Australian Institute of Agricultural Science. His presidential address to the branch was a polemic about the laissez-faire system of farming, which he thought had been largely responsible for the devastating soil erosion that had occurred during the droughts of the 1930s. Later he resigned from the Society because he disagreed with a new policy of advocating studies in Agriculture as a profession, when the Society took no responsibility for the future employment of those who were influenced by its advocacy.

He was active in the conservation movement in its early days, being elected president of the Nature Conservation Society of South Australia, and was, for six years, chairman of the National Parks and Wildlife Advisory Council of South Australia.

Andrewartha shared (with L.C. Birch) the David Syme Prize of the University of Melbourne, the Clarke Medal of the Royal Society of New South Wales and the Verco Medal of the Royal Society of South Australia. He was elected a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science in 1961. In 1987 he was awarded the Gold Medal of the Australian Ecological Society and in the following year was named (together with L.C. Birch) 'Eminent Ecologist of the Year' by the Ecological Society of America.

Andrewartha suffered a serious stroke in 1975 which left his left arm paralysed. However, with great fortitude and patience and helped by his inventive genius, he largely overcame the disabilities of this stroke and wrote his last book with Birch while still recovering. He died on 27 January 1992 at the age of 84, after a long illness that followed a broken knee sustained in a fall at his home. He is survived by his son Graeme and daughter Susan Dutch.

Scientific research

Andrewartha's first work was a study of aestivation of adults of the beetle Otiorrhynchus cribricollis in Western Australia. This became part of a later interest in the dormant phases of stages in the life-histories of insects. With CSIR in Melbourne he began work on the ecology of Thrips imaginis, a pest of some fruits. This work was to continue with Professor James Davidson as one of a number of projects when he moved to the Waite Institute in Adelaide. However, his first major research programme at the Waite Institute was on the population ecology of the plague grasshopper, Austroicetes cruciata, on which he published some dozen papers. In the 1960s he developed a programme in conjunction with J. Munro and N.L. Richardson on the use of sterile males to control populations of the Queensland fruitfly Dacus tryoni, which was a possible threat to fruit growing in the southern States if it became established there.

Two general principles motivated his ecological research. In the first place he was dedicated to doing something useful as well as adding to basic scientific information about the ecology of animals. Curiosity alone was not a sufficient reason for him to embark on a research programme. All the animals he worked with were of agricultural importance. He was convinced that success in helping the 'useful arts', as he called them, depended upon the quality of basic scientific research. The useful arts that depend on the science of ecology include the control of pests, the conservation of wildlife and the management of game. All these activities have a common goal, to control or to manipulate the reproduction and the life-expectancy of the animals in a natural population so that the density of the population remains between certain pre-determined limits.

Secondly, all his research was to contribute to a general theory of population ecology. Population ecology was a term coined by Thomas Park in Chicago. Andrewartha preferred to say that he was working on the principles that governed the distribution and abundance of animals. This phase comes directly from Charles Elton's classic Animal Ecology published in 1927. It became the title of his first book (with L.C. Birch) in 1954. Whether he used the phrase population ecology or the distribution and abundance of animals, Andrewartha made a clear distinction between the study of the ecology of a single species and community ecology. He was never persuaded that community ecology would contribute substantially to the science of ecology.

As he pursued his interests on the principles governing the distribution and abundance of animals, he was to find that in general the best work was done on animals that were either pests or were animals managed as game. This is borne out in the preponderance of examples from these areas in the book The Distribution and Abundance of Animals. It was simply true that the best work was in these areas. Much of it was done in Australia.

Andrewartha's long-term study on the ecology of Thrips imaginis was done in collaboration with Professor James Davidson. Davidson died in 1945, but their major findings on Thrips were published in two classical papers in the Journal of Animal Ecology in 1948. These were to be the focus of much debate amongst ecologists for years to come. The work on both Austroicetes and Thrips led Andrewartha and Davidson to develop a theory of population ecology that was at variance with the conventional wisdom of the day. Following Davidson's death, Andrewartha collaborated with a former student of his, L.C. Birch (who was no longer in Adelaide but at the University of Sydney), in further developing a theory of population ecology. This theory, together with supporting data and arguments, was published in two books jointly authored by Andrewartha and Birch, The Distribution and Abundance of Animals in 1954 and The Ecological Web in 1984.

The ecology of Thrips imaginis

The basic data for the ecology of Thrips was a daily estimate of their numbers in the rose garden of the Director's residence at the Waite Institute for fourteen years, together with daily meteorological data recorded in the meteorological station at the Waite Institute, just by the rose garden. Fourteen years is an unusually long time for the study of any population of animals, but such a long time turned out to be critically important in the analysis of the data. The method of partial regression was used to analyse the data in attempting to explain what were the main components of the environment that could account for the day-to-day and season-to-season changes. This was the first time partial regression had been used in population ecology. The regressions included the following independent variates: rainfall and temperature for each of the three days preceding the sampling of the population, the maximum temperature and rainfall for the day immediately before the day the population was sampled. These independent variates were chosen on the basis of what was known about the biology of Thrips. Food was not included in the analysis as it was never in short supply.

Some 78 per cent of the variance was accounted for by four quantities that were calculated entirely from meteorological records. This left virtually no chance of finding any other systematic cause for variation, since 22 per cent is quite a small residuum to be left as due to random sampling errors. All the variation was attributed to causes unrelated to the density of Thrips. Not only did Andrewartha find no 'density-dependent factor', but he claimed there was no room for one. This was the aspect of the analysis that created much discussion and controversy, since the dominant school of population ecology claimed that the numbers in natural populations can be regulated only by density-dependent factors. In their absence, the numbers were supposed to go on increasing without limit or to decrease to extinction. Neither of these things happen in the case of Thrips, since the seasons subject Thrips to a period that is favourable for increase in numbers to be followed by a season that is very unfavourable. One important reason why Thrips does not become extinct in the area studied is the heterogeneity of the places where it may live. It may become extinct in one locality only for this to be colonized again from a locality where it has not become extinct.

Andrewartha's conclusions about Thrips went against the conventional wisdom that dominated population ecology at the time. The two conclusions that the numbers of Thrips can be explained by the succession of good and bad seasons and by the heterogeneity of places where they lived, became central to the general theory of population ecology that Andrewartha was developing.

The ecology of Austroicetes cruciata

The ecology of this plague grasshopper was studied by Andrewartha, from 1935 to 1942 together with James Davidson, and with L.C. Birch. The life-cycle is characterized by an intense obligate diapause or state of dormancy in the egg stage. Consequently there is only one generation each year. Since diapause in the egg was critical to understanding the ecology of the grasshopper, Andrewartha studied the influences that determined the stage of onset of diapause and the influences that ended diapause. Soon after being laid, the embryos inside the egg developed up to an early stage, after which obligate diapause ensued. The embryo remained in that state during the winter. A particular sequence of cold temperature was responsible for the resumption of development at the end of the winter.

In this study, the numbers of grasshoppers were not determined precisely as was the case with Thrips. Qualitative or subjective estimates were made. It became clear quite early in the study that dryness during the spring was critical in determining the number of grasshoppers that survived in any year. In some seasons the drought was so severe that grasshopper populations crashed and only a succession of good years to follow enabled numbers to become abundant again. During drought years the stocks of food ran out, not because they were eaten by grasshoppers but because drought made the grass useless as food for grasshoppers. The supply of food was unrelated to the number of grasshoppers.

The rate of increase of grasshoppers was not determined by density-dependent factors, yet their numbers did not go on increasing to the limit of their resources of food. Calamity in the form of drought overtook the grasshoppers before this could happen. This sort of calamity occurred with a certain frequency that was calculated from the meteorological records. Grasshoppers became extinct in many localities during a dry season. However, some always survived in more favourable places. It was from these places that new colonies could be set up in subsequent years. Grasshoppers never became extinct over the whole range of their distribution. The explanation of numbers of Austroicetes was strikingly similar to the case with Thrips, and once again it challenged conventional wisdom about what determined the numbers of an animal.

Austroicetes was distributed in a belt of country that had been cleared of its native vegetation of plants such as saltbushes, which are not food for grasshoppers. However, the grasses that took the place of the original vegetation were suitable food for grasshoppers. Much of this country was marginal wheat country, and much of it had been abandoned for growing wheat. There was then a simple ecological solution to getting rid of grasshoppers, and that was to return the country to its original saltbushes. However, that turned out to be unacceptable politically and perhaps economically.

Diapause

Andrewartha's study of diapause in the eggs of Austroicetes led him to an intensive study of diapause in general amongst insects, as is indicated by the long chapter on the subject in The Distribution and Abundance of Animals. His study was the most complete that had ever been made up to that time. An important contribution of this study was his discovery that diapause in the egg stage characterized the life-history of plague grasshoppers around the world. These are grasshoppers that do not migrate. They cope with the hostile season by going into diapause. Locusts on the other hand were thought not to have a diapause at any stage and to cope with the hostile season by migrating huge distances. Andrewartha was able to study this on the spot in South Australia where the locust Chortoiocetes terminifera had its 'outbreak' areas in the northern desert of the state, from which the population at long intervals spilled over in huge migratory swarms to the southern areas of Australia. Most of the locusts did not survive long in these places, but some did. Andrewartha reasoned that eventually some of their descendents managed to get back to the dry outbreak areas where populations were permanent. This helped them to be permanent inhabitants of these places. Andrewartha assembled a great deal of data indicating that with plague grasshoppers, diapause in the egg enabled them to survive in the inhospitable season, and that with locusts, migration from inhospitable areas enabled them to remain extant. More recent work has shown this concept not to be as clear-cut as Andrewartha thought, though the two mechanisms of survival are well recognized.

The Queensland fruitfly Dacus tryoni

In most parts of Australia, with the exception of the central and western deserts and southern Tasmania, the climate is hospitable for the Queensland fruitfly. Its distribution, however, is much more restricted. This is probably due to the absence of a succession of fruits. Before fruit trees were cultivated in Australia, Dacus was restricted to tropical and sub-tropical forests. With the cultivation of fruit trees, it spread south as far as eastern Victoria. Occasionally, infested fruit has been found on trees further west and around Adelaide. In temperate areas, the chance of a female finding a mate becomes quite small during two periods. The over-wintering population of adults is quite small and is widely dispersed in a few sheltered localities. In early spring, the first generation that arises from the over-wintering adults is also small and dispersed. Moreover, most of the newly emerged adults leave the locality in which they originated.

Because of these facts, Andrewartha surmised that early spring would be a strategic time to liberate sterile flies with the objective of flooding the population with sterile males and so reducing the chance of females finding fertile males, a technique for the control of populations that had recently been proposed, and tested, by E.F. Knipling of the United States Department of Agriculture. This appealed to Andrewartha as a possible method of control, particularly in areas that might become newly colonized by the insect such as Victoria and South Australia.

Andrewartha, J. Munro and N.L. Richardson worked out a strategy for the control of fruitflies by releasing huge numbers of sterile males. Many millions of flies were bred in Sydney and pilot experiments were done in towns in western New South Wales. The work had to be terminated before it could be demonstrated that the method was economically feasible, though initial results were encouraging. The work is important as it was the first attempt to use this technique in Australia and showed its feasibility, if sufficient funds could be found to breed and release the huge numbers of insects needed.

General theory of the distribution and abundance of animals

The general theory of the distribution and abundance of animals was based on the original field studies of Andrewartha, Davidson and Birch, together with the analysis of many case-histories of the ecology of animals, many of them from Australia. In the course of these investigations, Andrewartha spent much time working through the data of other investigators who had accumulated a great deal of information but had never put it together in the form of a general theory. This applied, for example, to the work in the CSIRO on the European rabbit in Australia, on waterfowl and on the Australian magpie. In working on these case-stories and many others, Andrewartha not only made the work in question more accessible to ecologists but put it together in the context of a general theory. The results of this work were published in the two books with L.C. Birch, The Distribution and Abundance of Animals and The Ecological Web.

The central proposition of the theory is that the numbers of an animal (and therefore its distribution and abundance) depend upon its chance to survive and reproduce, which in turn depends on the animal's environment. It follows that the ecologist needs to have precise ways of defining and measuring the chance to survive and the chance to reproduce, and secondly to have a precise definition of environment and its components. The precise meaning of and measurement of the chance to survive and reproduce were established in The Distribution and Abundance of Animals. The meaning of environment was developed in the same book but became much more refined thirty years later in The Ecological Web. Indeed, this latter work presented the results of many years of discussion between Andrewartha, Birch, T.O. Browning and B.S. Niven. It was a unique contribution and basically different from what most ecologists had been working with.

The problem was how to define environment and how to split it up into components that did not overlap. The environment is not just anything that happens to be around the animal. It is anything that influences an individual's chance to survive and/or to reproduce. The word 'individual' is critical. In this theory there is no such thing as the environment of a population, for every individual may exert an influence on every other individual. The concept of the environment of the individual contrasts with the then current concept of the environment of the population. The importance of defining environment in terms of the individual took a long time to catch on and is still rejected by many ecologists. In these deliberations Andrewartha aimed to discover a precise and completely unambiguous way of defining each component of environment. This had never been done before. Terms such as 'biotic' and 'physical' were hopelessly imprecise. It was for this reason that he welcomed the contribution of Susan Niven, who used the symbolism of formal logic for this purpose. Her somewhat complex formal procedure was included as an Appendix in The Ecological Web.

The definition of the components of environment is summarised in Table 1.01 in The Ecological Web. This is a 2´2 table with four compartments depending on (a) the reaction, either negative or positive, of the component to the animal and (b) the response of the animal, either negative or positive, to the component. This gives four 'directly acting' components: resources, mates, malentities and predators. Anything that influences the activity of the directly-acting components is not in this centrum of directly acting components but is part of a web of influences extending outwards from the centrum. 'Malentity' is a rather new idea, and 'resource' has a more restricted meaning than is general in ecology.

The Ecological Web introduced the idea of the 'envirogram'. This is a diagram for the animal that shows the directly-acting components as the proximate causes of the condition of the animal, and the distal components as a web extending outwards from the directly-acting components. It shows any interactions there may be between components, and is basically simple to look at. This contrasts with the complicated flow diagrams that ecologists had up to then constructed.

The definition of environment, the analysis of the components and the envirogram were the subject of enthusiastic acceptance by some ecologists, but the object of much criticism by others. One problem was that you had to know quite a lot about your animal before you could correctly decide which were the four directly-acting components and which were the indirectly acting ones. Also, to get there required a lot of careful thought. While this turned out to be stimulating for some students, it proved too strenuous for others. Some critics so misunderstood the meaning of the envirogram that they incorrectly said it failed to show interactions. It is too early to say to what extent this analysis will be accepted by population ecologists, though there are some fine examples of its application by others, particularly in the ecology of birds, and Susan Niven has used it in her studies of a wide range of invertebrates and vertebrates.

A second main plank of the general theory is that populations are multipartite, that is to say the population is subdivided into local populations where environments differ widely. Moreover, each local population may be genetically different. The extent of dispersal from one local population to another is very important in understanding the dynamics of the whole process and its outcome. In The Ecological Web the term used for this was 'spreading the risk', which was proposed by P.J. den Boer of the Netherlands to indicate the way in which heterogeneity between local populations could confer stability and persistence in the natural population. The concept of the multipartite population and spreading of risk was illustrated by diagrams in both The Distribution and Abundance of Animals and The Ecological Web, each diagram representing a different way in which spreading of risk operates.

Andrewartha considered that the general theory of population ecology set out in these two books replaced the conventional wisdom that populations have to be regulated by density-dependent factors such as competition. He was happy to use the word competition when one genotype was shown to be superior to another, but in other contexts he felt the word confused or obscured what was happening. This again was quite a radical idea that was in opposition to conventional ecological thinking.

The general theory of population ecology that Andrewartha developed with his colleagues held that any component of environment could play a part in determining numbers, preventing numbers from increasing indefinitely and preventing extinction of the natural population as a whole. Each component of environment could be assigned a probability, none was completely deterministic. This was a probabilistic as contrasted with a deterministic approach. It was clearly in conflict with the widely held theory that populations could only be controlled by density-dependent factors and represented by deterministic models.

Unfortunately, the theory was widely misconstrued by some of its critics who supposed that it claimed that so-called density-dependent factors played no part in the regulation of animal numbers. On the contrary, according to the theory these took their place with all other components, as should have been clear from the examples given in which predators were critical in determining numbers. The arguments that ensued resulted in Andrewartha writing quite a lot about the role of induction, deduction and theoretical models in scientific method (e.g. pages 187-191 in The Ecological Web).

Andrewartha was convinced that the study of community ecology had not contributed to understanding the causes of the distribution and abundance of animals. He hoped that population ecology (the study of single species) would eventually displace studies in community ecology.

Andrewartha held that the first requirement of an ecologist was to be a good naturalist. You have to know something about your organisms before you can start to make theories about them. He was not opposed to theory but he was opposed to theories that made gross abstractions from the real world and seemed to depend little if at all on data from the field, going only to the field or the literature to find results that seemed to conform to the conclusions of the theoretical model. In his opinion the theoretical models of his day left out of account the idea of the multipartite population and the heterogeneity of the environment. This made them useless except for theoretical exercises in mathematics.

Andrewartha's contribution to population ecology was largely spread through the two books written with Birch. The Distribution and Abundance of Animals was widely used in ecology courses, particularly in the USA, and influenced a whole generation of ecologists. The influence of The Ecological Web has yet to be assessed. Andrewartha paid great tribute to Charles Elton, who put animal ecology on the map in the United Kingdom, particularly for his workmanlike approach to what ecology was about. The two differed greatly on the value of community ecology. Andrewartha had great respect for the work directed by Harry Smith at the Citrus Experiment Station at Riverside in California and used many of these studies in his writings. He was influenced in later years by the work of den Boer and his students in the Netherlands.

There is a sense in which Andrewartha's contribution to population ecology was ahead of its time. The conventional wisdom was against it. The sudden efflorescence of highly abstract theoretical models based on the ability of a computer to follow complex interactions tended to engulf the literature in the '70s and '80s, and biosphere studies emphasised community ecology until its practitioners realized that this did not answer the questions that were being asked. Through all this, there is beginning to emerge a new valuation of the long-term field study and the necessity of studying the multipartite population. One day this approach may become more dominant than it is at present. When that happens, we can thank Andrewartha for setting the direction with such skill and persistence.

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.9, no.3, 1993. It was written by L.C. Birch, Emeritus Professor, University of Sydney and T.O. Browning, Emeritus Professor, University of Adelaide.

Written by F. Fenner and S.F. Harris.

Introduction

With the death of Herbert Cole ('Nugget') Coombs on 29 October 1997, Australia lost its greatest public servant, a man who spent his life as an employee of the Commonwealth initiating major civilizing activities in economic and cultural fields, and after his retirement became a great champion of the rights of Aboriginal Australians. More than any other individual, he was responsible for the formation of the Australian National University, he was a most influential Governor of the Reserve Bank, he was the foundation chairman of the Australian Elizabethan Theatre Trust and of the Australian Council for the Arts and its successor, the Australia Council. From the time of his appointment as Chairman of the Office of Aboriginal Affairs in 1968 he became deeply interested in the welfare of Aborigines, and this became his major activity during the last thirty years of his life.

The account which follows is not a biography, but a biographical memoir of the Australian Academy of Science. In consequence, the discussion of his activities as a public servant and as an economist are only briefly mentioned, attention being concentrated on Coombs' contributions to science and environmental conservation, and to a lesser extent his influence in the promotion of the arts and the welfare of Australian Aborigines.

Early life

Coombs was born in Kalamunda, Western Australia, on 24 February 1906, the son of a country stationmaster and a well-read mother. After five years at Perth Modern School, he worked as a pupil-teacher for a year before spending two years at the Teachers' College. He then spent two years teaching at country schools, during which he studied for an Arts degree in the University of Western Australia, at the time the only university in Australia that did not charge fees. Transferring to a metropolitan school for the final two years, he graduated BA with first-class honours in economics and won a Hackett Studentship for overseas study. This was deferred for a year, at the end of which, in 1931, he graduated MA and married a fellow teacher, Mary Alice ('Lallie') Ross. He then proceeded to the London School of Economics, the staff of which then included Laski, Robbins and von Hayek. In 1933 he was awarded a PhD for a thesis on central banking. He was caught up in the ferment of the Keynesian revolution and as he later wrote: 'The publication in 1936 of John Maynard Keynes' General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money was for me and many of my generation the most seminal intellectual event of our time.' In 1934 he returned to a teaching position in Perth and combined this with part-time lecturing in economics at the University.

Career in the Commonwealth Public Service, 1935-1949

While in London, Coombs had met Leslie Melville, Economist for the Commonwealth Bank, with whom he discussed opportunities for obtaining work as an economist. In 1935 he resigned from the Education Department of Western Australia and moved to Sydney as assistant economist to Melville. At the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 he was transferred to Canberra as an economist in Treasury. In 1942 he was appointed to the Commonwealth Bank Board and later that year Prime Minister Curtin appointed him Director of Rationing. In 1943 he was appointed Director-General of Post-War Reconstruction. In this position he was responsible for the Commonwealth Reconstruction Training Scheme (CRTS), and he took a particular interest in establishingfacilities for the rehabilitation of disabled service men and women. He played a major role in planning the 1945 legislation that established the Commonwealth Bank as a competitor with the trading banks and strengthened the authority of the central bank (the Reserve Bank). He was also an important figure in the international discussions that began in 1943 and culminated with Australia's signature of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in November 1947. Throughout the negotiations he emphasised the importance of acceptance by the participating countries of a domestic policy aimed at full employment and rising living standards (Rowse, 1997).

While Director-General of Post-War Reconstruction, Coombs was deeply involved in the establishment of what became the Australian National University. The creation of this research university, with two of its initial four Research Schools being in the natural sciences and the subsequent expansion of Research Schools in science and mathematics to eight, was his principal contribution to science and an important component of the decision of the Australian Academy of Science to elect him as a Fellow by special election in 1969. Until 1944 education at all levels had been a jealously guarded State responsibility, but with the establishment of the Commonwealth Office of Education in that year, a move in which Coombs was deeply involved, the subsequent creation of the Universities Commission, and Commonwealth acceptance of financial responsibilities for CRTS trainees, the pattern of support for tertiary education in Australia was changed forever. During this period Coombs also initiated the long-term programme of biological and agricultural research that was needed for the development of northern Australia.

In 1948 the government became concerned about research on matters of military security being investigated by scientists employed by the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR). A move to convert CSIR into a government department had substantial support in Cabinet, not least from John Dedman. At Prime Minister Chifley's request, Coombs and W.E. Dunk (Chairman of the Public Service Board) reviewed the situation, and recommended that a separate Defence Science Organization should be established, and that CSIR should be expanded as the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization (CSIRO), free of any commitment to 'secret' research. Many years later, when in 1975 Coombs was Chairman of the Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration, he found that 'On the whole in retrospect the 1948 report, despite its compromises, stood up fairly well. Certainly the performance of CSIRO over the intervening years suggests that the rearguard action that we had fought to preserve appropriate conditions for scientific work had been reasonably effective.' (Coombs, 1981).

As Director-General of Post-War Reconstruction, Coombs maintained close contacts with Ian Clunies Ross, soon to become the first Chairman of CSIRO, advising him on means of stimulating the application of relevant research at the farm level. He had a continuing interest in fostering innovation in secondary industry and later was active in the Science and Industry Forum of the Australian Academy of Science. He was also concerned with environmental problems, and was President of the Australian Conservation Foundation from 1977 to 1979. In 1990 he published a book, The Return of Scarcity: Strategies for an Economic Future, dealing with some of the conflicts between ecology and the economy.

Governor of the Reserve Bank, 1949-1968

In 1949 Coombs was appointed Governor of the Commonwealth Bank and in 1951 Chairman of its Board. When central banking legislation was changed in 1960 he was appointed Governor of the Reserve Bank of Australia and Chairman of the Board, posts that he held until 1968. As he describes in Other People's Money, he used this position in a most innovative way, setting up a Banking Administrative Staff College and establishing regular meetings with the managers of commercial banks. Later he organized meetings of central bankers of various countries, especially those of South-East Asia, Australia and New Zealand, and was involved in the planning of the banking system of Papua New Guinea in anticipation of its independence. On the scientific side, he showed a great interest in the part played by the Rural Credits Development Fund in stimulating and assisting research projects and post-graduate education in the universities. The Rural Credits Development Fund also sponsored several academic positions in Australian universities, primarily to help apply agricultural and biological research to operations at the farm level.

Coombs had always been interested in the arts, and while he was Governor of the Commonwealth Bank he was instrumental in setting up the Australian Elizabethan Theatre Trust, of which he was Chairman from 1954 to 1967. He was a member of the Council of the Australian Ballet School from 1958 and a director of the Australian Ballet Foundation from 1962 to 1967.

Chairman of the Council for the Arts and the Council for Aboriginal Affairs, 1967-1976

Late in 1967, at the suggestion of Prime Minister Holt, Coombs retired from his position as Governor of the Reserve Bank and assumed two other onerous and important tasks, chairmanship of two new bodies, the Council for the Arts and the Council for Aboriginal Affairs. He held these posts until 1976. After his appointment as a Visiting Fellow in CRES in 1976 he devoted most of his energies to promoting the recognition of Aboriginal Australians. As he got older, Coombs escaped from the cold Canberra winter to the North Australia Research Unit, which on his initiative had been set up in Darwin as an outpost of the Australian National University in 1973.

Foundation of the Australian National University

Perhaps Coombs' major contribution to science and culture was his role in the establishment and development of the Australian National University, a topic recently discussed in detail by Foster and Varghese (1996), from whose book the following account, which is focused on the two science Schools, in medical research and physical sciences, is largely derived. Because of his background, he played an even more important role in setting up the Research Schools of Pacific Studies and Social Sciences.

The idea of a national university for Australia goes back to the 1870s, and in 1913 Walter Burley Griffin designated a site for a university for 'teaching and research' in Canberra near the foot of Black Mountain, on much the same site that it now occupies. His design for the university, as for so much of Griffin's Canberra, was a somewhat complex arrangement of concentric circles, symbolizing the extension of knowledge from a theoretical core outwards to the more applied aspects of each field.

In 1927 T.H. Laby, professor of natural philosophy at the University of Melbourne and a distinguished physicist, told a government commission that Canberra should have a national university devoted to teaching and research, something that would be for Australia what Oxford and Cambridge were for Britain. Between the two World Wars the idea of a university for Canberra was kept alive by the University Association of Canberra, of which Sir Robert Garran, a prime mover in the constitutional debates that preceded federation and the first Solicitor-General, was a prominent member. In 1929 the Association persuaded the government to establish Canberra University College, affiliated with the University of Melbourne, as a place to provide tertiary education for Commonwealth public servants and their children. The Association also tried to interest politicians in the establishment of an independent university in Canberra, but this idea did not blossom until John Curtin became Prime Minister in October 1941. In contrast to his predecessor, Robert Menzies, Curtin's vision extended beyond the immediate wartime needs; he wished to plan for a new social order that would ensure that every Australian would enjoy peace, security and employment. It was fortunate that at that period the Commonwealth government was supported by an outstanding group of public servants who shared this vision, prominent among them Coombs, then Director-General of Post-War Reconstruction.

John Dedman's Interdepartmental Committee

The first moves towards advances in education through Commonwealth initiatives came not from the Department of Post-War Reconstruction, but from the Department of War Organization of Industry, the deputy head of which, Ronald Walker (another economist), persuaded his Minister, John Dedman, to set up an interdepartmental committee to examine possible Commonwealth initiatives in education. The committee included Coombs, Sir David Rivett, the Chairman of CSIR, and R.C. Mills, professor of economics in the University of Sydney. The committee met several times in late 1943 and throughout 1944, and was assisted in its deliberations by C.S. Daley, representing the Department of the Interior which was at that time responsible for the government of the Australian Capital Territory. It was Daley who put the notion of a national university on the agenda. The committee's final report, handed to Minister Dedman in October 1944, accepted Coombs' suggestion for a Commonwealth Office of Education, which was set up under R.C. Mills early in 1945. It also stated in strong terms that there was a need for a national centre for higher learning, spelling out government, Pacific affairs, international relations and Australian history and literature as areas to be included. Dedman brought the report to Cabinet early in 1945 and it was referred to a subcommittee of ministers, which in turn referred it to another interdepartmental committee, with Mills as chairman, Coombs, Daley, George Knowles from the Attorney-General's Department, H.J. Goodes from Treasury and Garran present by invitation.

Sir Howard Florey's visit to Australia

In 1943 Sir Howard Florey, an Australian expatriate who was professor of pathology at the University of Oxford, had converted penicillin from a laboratory curiosity into a wonder drug, especially for the types of infections common in battle casualties, and by 1944 it was in use in the Allied armed services operating in Europe. Sir Thomas Blamey, Commander-in-Chief of the Australian Armed Forces, was anxious to see it made available for the Australian forces. Stimulated by Alfred Conlon and R. Douglas Wright of the Army Directorate of Research and Civil Affairs, he persuaded Prime Minister Curtin to invite Florey to visit Australia to advise on the production of penicillin and its use in the army and among civilians. Florey arrived in August 1944 and spent some months visiting all the mainland capitals, several country regions and all the major centres of medical research. From his survey he soon concluded that medical research in Australia was in a parlous state, and said so in public lectures that were widely reported. In response to an invitation from Curtin, Florey developed the idea of a national medical research institute, like the National Institute of Medical Research in London, suggesting that it should be located in Sydney since Melbourne already had a first-class medical research institute (the only one in Australia, in Florey's view), the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute.

The Directorate of Research and Civil Affairs of the Australian Army

Another factor, critical to the ultimate structure of the Australian National University, entered the scene. The Army Directorate of Research and Civil Affairs was a small think-tank headed by Colonel Alfred Conlon, who had direct access to the Commander-in-Chief. Conlon was a charming and charismatic man, without formal medical or military qualifications, who worked closely with R.D. ('Pansy') Wright, professor of physiology in the University of Melbourne and an honorary colonel in the Directorate. As Director-General of Post-War Reconstruction, Coombs made contact with the Army Directorate and found their company and approach congenial. As well as Conlon and Wright, the Directorate included Julius Stone, professor of international law and jurisprudence in the University of Sydney, the poet James McAuley, the anthropologist Bill Stanner and the lawyer John Kerr. Wright, who had worked with Florey in Oxford in 1937-38, held strongly the opinion that Australia had to improve its facilities for medical research so as to prevent so many of its promising research workers making their careers abroad. Conlon, who graduated in medicine after the war, supported him in this view; they were pursuing the idea of setting up a national institute of medical research, located in Sydney, and welcomed Florey's support for this concept.

Because of the illness from which Curtin was eventually to die, Florey was unable to meet him, and the idea of a national institute of medical research was conveyed to Curtin by Blamey, who was himself deeply interested in the promotion of scientific research in Australia (Hetherington, 1954). The idea was referred to the Minister for Health, who set up an expert committee consisting of Sir David Rivett, head of CSIR, J.H.L. Cumpston, the Director-General of Health, and H.J. Goodes of Treasury. The two technically qualified members of the expert committee, Rivett and Cumpston, were unsympathetic to the idea of setting up a new institute, and Cumpston was strongly opposed to any alteration to the existing system for the control of funding for medical research, namely through the National Health and Medical Research Council. However, their opinions were to be over-ruled by the intrigues of the Army Directorate of Research.

The National Medical Research Institute becomes part of the Australian National University

Conlon and Wright had been talking over Florey's ideas between themselves and with Coombs, when it occurred to Coombs that the medical research institute might form a part of the national university then being considered by the interdepartmental committee chaired by Mills, of which he was a member. He took the new idea to the first meeting of the Mills Committee in April 1945, which initially toyed with the idea of an institute of 'social medicine', which would appeal to economists and politicians but had little in common with the sort of medical research of which Florey was thinking. After several more meetings the Mills Committee came back to the ministerial subcommittee with a formal proposal that the government should establish a national university concerned mainly with postgraduate studies and research, with institutes of social sciences and social medicine. The committee had suggested that the new university should be called the University of Canberra, but Cabinet, while accepting the committee's other recommendations, proposed the name 'Australian National University'. Initially this proposal provoked much hostility, but despite representations from the committee of vice-chancellors and all the committees set up to advise on the development of the university, Cabinet insisted on their name, realising that if the university was to survive it had to proclaim its national purpose and demonstrate that it was not duplicating the work of the state universities.

Coombs now took a lead in defining the essential features of the new university. Realising that Cabinet would soon be facing a host of other pressing post-war objectives, he was anxious to get it on the statute books. Using draft legislation that had been prepared for the Canberra University College some months earlier, a detailed proposal was ready for Cabinet by the end of 1945. The core of this proposal was the setting up of the Research Schools. Coombs listed five of these, which after further discussion became social sciences, Pacific affairs, medical research, town and regional planning, and atomic (later nuclear) physics. In Cabinet, 'town and regional planning' was subsumed within social sciences, and there was some doubt about physics, but the other three Schools won acceptance. Panels of five or six experts were then set up by the Mills Committee to comment on such matters as the fields of research within each School, relations between Schools, ways of organizing research, staff numbers and salaries, financial and accommodation needs, and relations with other Australian universities.

Much remained to be done before the final proposals could be put to Cabinet and Parliament. In April 1946 Coombs visited London, Washington and Tokyo with the Prime Minister, Ben Chifley. Conlon and Wright talked with Coombs before he left, urging him to spare no effort to persuade Florey to take on leadership of the John Curtin School of Medical Research. Coombs had also to see whether it would be possible to persuade distinguished Australian expatriates to come back to Australia to head up the other Research Schools, and met and talked with the historian W.K. Hancock, the political scientist K.C. Wheare, the physicists H.S.W. Massey and M.L.E. Oliphant, and the economist R.L. Hall. Chifley met Oliphant, with whom he was greatly impressed. Although somewhat startled by the capital cost of Oliphant's concept of a Research School focused on nuclear physics (over four times the figure originally suggested to Cabinet), he told Coombs, 'If you can persuade Oliphant to head the school we will do whatever is necessary'. Coombs came back highly optimistic, telling the Mills Committee that there were good prospects of enticing Florey and several others of the expatriates whom he had met back to Australia.

Meanwhile, in Australia, the Australian National University Act was introduced in Parliament and gained assent in August 1946, the research schools being entitled Pacific Studies, Physical Sciences, Social Sciences and The John Curtin School of Medical Research. The functions of the University were defined in the Act as:

1. To encourage, and find facilities for, postgraduate research and study, both generally and in relation to subjects of national importance to Australia;
2. To provide facilities for university education for persons who elect to avail themselves of those facilities and are eligible to do so;
3. Subject to the Statutes, to award and confer degrees and diplomas.

Until the Council could be constituted, the University was to be governed by an Interim Council, consisting of members appointed by the Governor-General.

The Interim Council and the Academic Advisory Committee

The Interim Council, which included all the members of the Mills Committee and, through Coombs' influence, R.D. Wright, met for the first time in September 1946, and elected Mills as chairman. It decided to invite Florey, Oliphant and Hancock to advise them on the development of the research schools of medical science, physics and social sciences respectively. Early in 1947 they approached R.L. Firth, a New Zealander who was professor of anthropology at the University of London, to advise them on the Pacific Studies school. All were expatriates who had grown up in Australia (or New Zealand), who had established international reputations in their respective fields and who had expressed an interest in the new research university.

Early in 1947 Wright, who by this time had become Honorary Secretary of the Interim Council, travelled to England to sound out the prospective directors, whom he found had many concerns. After a two-day meeting in London at the end of March, attended by Coombs, Wright and all four prospective directors, only Oliphant was unequivocal in his commitment to come. Wright then produced a strategy to keep the prospective directors interested and informed, but not to press them too hard until progress had been made on the University's buildings and academic structure. He suggested that they should be formally constituted in England as an academic advisory committee, to be serviced by an administrative officer, to advise the Interim Council regarding statutes, budgets, building design, acquisition of books and equipment and the like. Council would act on the recommendation of the Advisory Committee in making appointments, who could work in accommodation in various parts of the world until buildings were available in Canberra.

The Academic Advisory Committee met monthly after its first meeting in Oxford in August 1947, and thereafter every two or three months, usually in Hancock's rooms at All Souls College or in Florey's office at the Dunn School. For a time there was some concern in Australia as to whether the new Australian National University would be run from Oxford or Canberra. There was a great deal of discussion in both places about the kind of person who should be sought as Vice-Chancellor. Coombs was pressed to take the job, but he was too committed to the cause of post-war planning. Eventually, two names surfaced: Sir Douglas Copland, a 53-year-old former professor of economics who was then Australia's Minister to China, and Leslie Melville, who had since 1931 been economic adviser to the Commonwealth Bank. The Advisory Committee favoured Melville but the Council chose Copland, who served as Vice-Chancellor from 1 May 1948 to 30 April 1953; in November 1953 he was succeeded by Melville.

Oliphant's proposals for the Research School of Physical Sciences

Following their meeting in 1946, Coombs advised Chifley that Oliphant would come to Canberra only if he could do work of the same quality and standing as he was then doing in Birmingham. This would mean a capital cost of some £500,000 over five years, much more than Chifley had anticipated, but Coombs thought that if Oliphant's needs could be met there was a good chance of attracting Florey and Hancock (Adviser to the Research School of Social Sciences) as well.

The Academic Advisers met in Canberra in Easter 1948. Oliphant, who alone of the group had made up his mind to come to Canberra, outlined his plans for the Research School of Physical Sciences. In contrast to Florey, who proposed that the medical research school should cover a wide range of topics, Oliphant saw himself as the director of a school that would focus on his interests, namely research in fundamental nuclear physics and the chemistry of radioactive substances. At the meeting in Canberra he added a chair in theoretical physics, and before Oliphant took up duties as Director in 1950 the School grew by the addition of Richard Woolley, the Commonwealth Astronomer, and the Mount Stromlo Observatory as a Department of Astronomy.

Florey's proposals for the John Curtin School of Medical Research.

Florey liked the idea that his 'national institute of medical research' would become part of a research university, but realised that this raised problems about the role of the director, whom he now saw as a chairman of professors, who would try to achieve some uniformity of aim and some common standards of performance. He would provide the oil to lubricate the machine, he would watch carefully to ensure that no department would build itself into 'a little independent kingdom', he would encourage the departments to work together. Clearly, the director's position would be 'one of delicacy'.

After the Easter conference Florey met for two days with sixteen senior medical scientists from all over Australia, to try to dispel what he saw as the 'fairly widespread and somewhat justified' distrust of the idea of a research-only Australian National University. In this he had some success, his 1945 proposal for additional funding for research outside the new institute being appreciated. Florey's plan for a diversified research school, covering a wide range of disciplines, was well received.

Recruitment of staff commenced in 1948, and by 1950 the University had eleven professors, five readers and ten junior academic staff on its books.

Coombs on the University Council, 1946-1976

Coombs was a member of the Interim Council, and from the establishment of the Council in 1951 he was successively Deputy Chairman from 1951 to 1959, then Pro-Chancellor, a position created especially for him, and, after the death of the third Chancellor, Florey, in 1968, Chancellor. The first three Chancellors, Lord Bruce, Sir John Cockcroft and Lord Florey, were based in England. Although they were able to represent the University at ceremonial functions in Britain, help with senior appointments and occasionally visit Canberra, they were only rarely able to perform the most important of the non-ceremonial duties, namely presiding over meetings of the Council. This task fell to Coombs, and kept him continually involved with University affairs. His appointment as Chancellor in 1968 coincided with his impending retirement from the Reserve Bank, and he was able to give more time to the task, which he relinquished when he retired from the public service in 1976. After fifteen years of silence on University matters, however, Coombs spoke with vehemence and conviction at a rally in December 1991 to 'save the JCSMR', which, following a report by the Stephen Committee of Review, was threatened by a take-over by the National Health and Medical Research Council, a move that was seen as a threat to the continued existence of the University itself.

Among the initiatives in the ANU that can be directly ascribed to Coombs are the New Guinea Research Unit, established in 1957 and handed over to the autonomous Papua New Guinea Institute of Applied Social and Economic Research when the Territory won independence in 1975, the Creative Arts Fellowship Scheme, set up in 1964, and the North Australia Research Unit (NARU), set up as an outreach of the Research School of Pacific Studies in 1973.

Views on science and technology

Coombs' views on science and technology are outlined in his keynote address to a conference convened by the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia, the Australian Academy of Science and the Australian Academy of Technological Sciences in April 1979, entitled 'Science and Technology for What Purpose? An Australian Perspective'. This makes interesting reading even now, twenty years after it was written. He starts with a comment on the title, which he suggests implies that science and technology are directed to a single and common end. While acknowledging that this is the way politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen and even many scientists tend to justify the activities of scientists, Coombs notes that this is a recent development. As he puts it, 'there is science for understanding and science for manipulation'. He considers that science as a search for understanding does not need to be justified by the greater power it confers on mankind; rather, it is akin to the creative work of artists and, as a source of enlightenment and liberation, 'a noble expression of the human spirit'. 'A society which fails to give it opportunity and scope will thereby be the poorer'.

He goes on to deal at length with science as a substrate for technology, and emphasises that science for manipulation must be justified by its results, and should be required to demonstrate that the benefits it confers on mankind outweigh the costs: material, social and spiritual. Already, in 1979, he recognizes but deplores the growth of 'mammoth industrial corporations' that are dominated by market forces and focus on optimizing production, with little concern for the social or environmental aspects of their activities. Twenty years later we see these tendencies being vastly increased by the drive towards globalization. In answer to a question, he reiterated his support for creative science, but thought that manipulative science needed 'to reconsider its objective, to reorient to some degree its directions, and, particularly, to examine its impact upon the human and social aspects of society'.To use a phrase now in common parlance among environmentalists, development needs to have concern for three 'bottom lines', economic, social and environmental.

Research in social sciences

Coombs also stimulated research in the social sciences, for example by arranging for the Commonwealth Bank to set aside a portion of its profits as a fund for university-based research in economics. Much of the work that was carried out by consultants for the Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration incorporated original research. His Boyer Lectures in 1970 are a mature expression of his thoughts on the problems of institutionalizing intellectual creativity of all kinds, in the arts, the social sciences and the natural sciences. Some years later, in 1984, he persuaded the Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies to co-sponsor, with the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, the University of Western Australia and the Stegley Foundation, the East Kimberley Impact Assessment Project. This was a multidisciplinary and policy-relevant programme carried out to assist Aboriginal people to deal with economic and social changes arising from resource development. It resulted in the production of 25 working papers and a book (Coombs et al., 1989), which provide information that remains relevant to the solution of some of the problems faced by Aboriginal Australians.

Interest in environmental problems

At a time when most economists ignored the environmental costs of the modern consumer society, Coombs realised that economic growth had generated substantial environmental problems. He first spoke about these concerns in a lecture to a symposium at the Twelfth Pacific Science Congress in Canberra in 1971 (Coombs, 1972). On his retirement in 1976 he became a Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies at the Australian National University, and for the next twenty years mixed daily with academics concerned with environmental problems. His concern for problems of conservation were underlined by his acceptance of the position of President of the Australian Conservation Foundation between 1977 and 1979. As a result, he became 'increasingly conscious of long-term structural changes in our own and the world economy – especially those arising from the interaction of ecological and economic concerns'. In 1990 he published his 1971 address and seven other papers on this topic that had been produced between 1978 and 1985, together with a chapter outlining his views in 1989, as a book, The Return of Scarcity: Strategies for an Economic Future (Coombs, 1990).

Visiting Fellow, Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies,1976-1996

The Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies (CRES) was established in 1973, with Frank Fenner as Director. Initially housed in the old Nurses' Home near the John Curtin School, early in 1976 it moved to occupy the upper two floor levels of the newly constructed Life Sciences Library Building. In May that year, after negotiations with the Vice-Chancellor (Sir John Crawford) and the Director, Coombs was appointed a Visiting Fellow in CRES, an appointment that was subject to annual reappointment based on his current intellectual, cultural and social contributions. On moving in, his appearance was transformed from that of the clean-shaven public servant, wearing coat and tie, to a bearded academic in open-neck shirt and pullover, as illustrated in the two full-page photographs of him on the front and the back pages of the book by Foster and Varghese (1996).

Coombs applied himself with vigour to promoting the cause of Aboriginal Australians. From 1989 he spent several months each winter at the North Australia Research Unit (NARU), which he had long before been instrumental in setting up in Darwin as an outpost of the ANU. In 1991 this arrangement was formalized so that his visiting fellowship was held jointly at CRES and NARU. He published extensively, in books (3, 5, 7, 8 and 10), reports, learned journals and newspaper articles, as illustrated in the select bibliography at the end of Aboriginal Autonomy (Coombs, 1994) and the publication list provided at the end of this memoir. In late 1995, while at NARU, he had a disabling stroke from which he never recovered.

Personal characteristics

From his earliest days in government office, Coombs was known as a 'controlled, low-key sagacious servant of the people'. His vision had been greatly influenced by the Great Depression of the 1930s, which imprinted on his mind the suffering of the under-privileged, to which he reacted with compassion and concern. When, after his appointment to the Council for Aboriginal Affairs in 1968, and especially after his retirement from the public service, he learnt more of the abysmal condition of many Aboriginal Australians, he became a passionate advocate for these disadvantaged people.

Besides having great influence in public affairs by virtue of the many influential positions he held, Coombs was an éminence grise, who worked behind the scenes to achieve results that would serve all Australians. He was a confidant of leading Australians in the arts, in science, in public affairs and in politics. As described in his book Trial Balance (Coombs, 1981), he was personal adviser to seven Prime Ministers, from Curtin to Whitlam, and for such a very busy man he was a prolific writer, producing no fewer than nine books and many published lectures and feature articles in the press.

On the lighter side, he had made a reputation as a rover in Australian Rules football in his youth (his nickname 'Nugget' derived from that), he remained a committed cricket fan all his life, and he regularly played squash into his early 80s. He was an excellent cook and he loved good wine, especially a good red.

Honours and awards

Coombs consistently refused to accept an imperial honour; he told his old teacher Sir Walter Murdoch that such an honour would not be 'in character'. When the Order of Australia system was instituted in 1975, he was among the first to be awarded its highest honour, Companion of the Order of Australia. However, in 1976, incensed by the introduction of a knighthood (AK), he resigned from the Order.

He was appointed a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science in 1969, and was a Foundation Fellow of both the Australian Academy of the Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. He also received a number of honorary degrees: Hon. LLD (ANU, Macquarie, Melbourne, Sydney), Hon. DLitt (WA), and in 1961 he was appointed an Honorary Fellow of the London School of Economics. In 1963 the Royal Society of Arts (London) awarded him the R.B. Bennett Commonwealth Prize for services to 'banking, economics and the arts', in 1972 the newspaper The Australian named him as their first 'Australian of the Year' and in 1977 he was awarded the ANZAAS Medal at the 48th Congress of the Australian and New Zealand Association for the Advancement of Science.

In 1962 the Coombs Building, housing the Research School of Social Sciences and the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies of the Australian National University, was named after him. In 1992 funds were collected for a Nugget Coombs Forum at the North Australia Research Unit and in 1998 the University established the Nugget Coombs Aboriginal Studies Scholarship Scheme, to provide support at the North Australia Research Unit for undergraduate and postgraduate scholars who combined traditional academic disciplines with traditional indigenous knowledge.

He was given a state funeral and a service of thanksgiving was held in St Mary's Cathedral in Sydney on 14 November 1997. He wanted it known that the choice of a Catholic church should not be taken as a sign of a death-bed conversion, but because his wife Lallie would have delighted in it. Somewhat later he was accorded full Aboriginal funeral rites, with scattering of half of his ashes at Yirrkala in the Northern Territory, the only white person to have been so honoured. On 11 March 1999 the other half of his ashes were scattered on the garden at University House, where had lived for so many years. He was survived by three sons and one daughter.

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, Vol.13, No.1, 2000. It was written by:

• F. Fenner, John Curtin School of Medical Research, Australian National University,Canberra, ACT 0200, and
• S.F. Harris, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian NationalUniversity, Canberra, ACT 0200.

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to Professor H.A. Nix and Dr Tim Rowse for reading over the manuscript and making useful suggestions and to Ms Sigrid McCausland, Ms Ettie Oakman and Dr R. May for providing information. The photograph was taken by Bob Cooper, Coombs Photography, ANU. 

References

• Coombs, H.C. (1971). Other People's Money: Economic Essays. Australian National University Press, Canberra.
• Coombs, H.C. (1981). Trial Balance. Macmillan, Melbourne.
• Coombs, H.C. (1994). Aboriginal Autonomy. Cambridge University Press, Melbourne.
• Coombs, H.C., McCann, H., Ross, H. and Williams, N.L. (eds.) (1989). Land of Promises: Aborigines and Development in the East Kimberley. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, and Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra.
• Foster, S.G. and Varghese, M.M. (1996). The Making of the Australian National University. Allen and Unwin, Sydney.
• Hetherington, T. (1954). Blamey: The Biography of Field-Marshal Sir Thomas Blamey. Cheshire, Melbourne.
• Rowse, T. (1997). The Paraguay Round? The rationales and fortunes of H.C. Coombs' approach to Australian trade diplomacy, 1942-8. In: 50 Years of Australia's Multilateral Trade Diplomacy and the Road Map for the Future. Australian National University, Canberra

Bibliography

The organization of a publication list for Coombs presents problems not encountered in the preparation of biographical memoirs of scientists. During his life as a public servant and, after his retirement, as a champion of the rights of Aboriginal Australians, Coombs produced many reports for government bodies and the like, gave many speeches and produced many newspaper articles. Below we have listed the books he wrote or edited, with commentaries on some of them, and then, by year, articles published as chapters in books and journals or as pamphlets listed in the catalogue of the Australian National Library. We have not included any of his many newspaper articles, nor sought to discover memoranda and reports that he produced as a public servant. 

Books and articles

Books

1. Coombs, H.C. (1970). The Fragile Pattern – Institutions and Man. The Boyer Lectures, 1970. Australian Broadcasting Commission, Sydney, 59pp.
2. Coombs, H.C. (1971). Other People's Money: Economic Essays. Australian National University Press, Canberra, 190pp. Based on fifteen addresses and papers presented or published between 1949 and 1968, during his term as Governor of the Commonwealth Bank of Australia and subsequently of the Reserve Bank of Australia.
3. Coombs, H.C. (1978). Kulinma: Listening to Aboriginal Australians. Australian National University Press, Canberra, 250pp. Sixteen articles of varying length, produced between 1968 and 1977, twelve of them during Coombs' chairmanship of the Council for Aboriginal Affairs.
4. Coombs, H.C. (1981). Trial Balance. Macmillan, Melbourne, 341pp. An autobiography covering Coombs' working life as a Commonwealth public servant between 1942 and 1976.
5. Coombs, H.C., Brandl, M.M. and Snowden, W.E. (1983). A Certain Heritage: Programs for and by Aboriginal Families in Australia. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, 461 pp.
6. Coombs, H.C. (1990). The Return of Scarcity: Strategies for an Economic Future. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, in association with the Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University. CRES Monograph No. 9, 171pp. A collection of essays, most based on addresses given to various audiences in Australia.
7. Coombs, H.C., McCann, H., Ross, H. and Williams, N.L. (eds.) (1989). Land of Promises: Aborigines and Development in the East Kimberley. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, and Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra, 165pp.
8. Coombs, H.C. (edited by D. Smith) (1994). Aboriginal Autonomy, Issues and Strategies. Cambridge University Press, Melbourne, 251pp. Essays written by Coombs for various occasions since 1978, when Kulinma was published. Contains a select bibliography of writings by Coombs on issues regarding Aboriginal Australians, including many newspaper articles not entered in the publication list below.
9. Coombs, H.C. (1994). From Curtin to Keating: the 1945 and 1994 White Papers on Employment: a Better Environment for Human and Economic Diversity? North Australia Research Unit, Australian National University, Darwin, 65pp.
10. Coombs, H.C. (1996). Shame on Us!: Essays on a Future Australia. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 93pp.

Articles/book chapters

1944

• Coombs, H.C. The economic aftermath of war. In: Campbell, D.A.S. (ed.) Post-War Reconstruction in Australia. Australasian Publishing Company, Sydney, pp. 67-120.

1948

• Dunk, W.E. and Coombs, H.C. Report on Council for Scientific and Industrial Research: Organization, Administration and Related Problems. Australian Government Printing Service, Canberra.

1955

• Coombs, H.C. The Development of Monetary Policy in Australia. University of Queensland Press, Brisbane.
• Coombs, H.C. Central banking in Australia. Bankers' Magazine of Australasia, 69, 61-68.
• Coombs, H.C. Economic development and financial stability. Economic Record, 31, 183-191.

1957

• Coombs, H.C. Staff training in the Commonwealth Bank. Personnel Practice Bulletin, 13, 46-50.

1958

• Coombs, H.C. Conditions of Monetary Policy in Australia. R.C. Mills Memorial Lecture, University of Sydney Department of Economics, Sydney.
• Coombs, H.C. Banking in a developing economy. Bankers' Magazine of Australasia, 71, 142-147.

1959

• Coombs, H.C. Rural Credit Developments in Australia. Australian Agricultural Economics Society, Sydney.

1961

• Coombs, H.C. Balance of payments problems – old and new style. Bankers' Magazine of Australasia, 75, 36-41.

1962

• Coombs, H.C. Other People's Money. Sir John Morris Memorial Lecture, Adult Education Board of Tasmania, Hobart.

1963

• Coombs, H.C. Some Ingredients for Growth. Edward Shann Memorial Lecture, University of Western Australia, Perth.

1965

• Coombs, H.C. Pennies and policies: a Reserve Bank in New Guinea. New Guinea, 1, 62-69.

1966

• Coombs, H.C. Training for development. Economic Activity in Western Australia, 9, 8-12.
• Coombs, H.C. Training central bankers. Far Eastern Economic Review, 53, 494-496.

1967

• Coombs, H.C. Capital, Growth and International Payments. Australian Industries Development Association.

1969

• Coombs, H.C. Science and the future of man: the role of the social scientists. Australasian Annals of Medicine, 4, 329-334.
• Coombs, H.C. Does banking legislation need to be overhauled? Austfact, 1, 14-18.
• Coombs, H.C. Central banking – a look back and forward. Economic Record, 45, 485-495.

1970

• Coombs, H.C. The economics of the performing arts. Economic Papers, The Economic Society of Australia and New Zealand, 35, 32-46.

1971

• Coombs, H.C. Changing economic and social perspectives in resource management. In: Costin, A.B. and Frith, H.J. (eds.) Conservation. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, pp. 284-299.

1972

• Coombs, H.C. Matching ecological and economic realities. Journal of the Economic Society of Australia and New Zealand, 48, 1-17. Also published as Australian Conservation Foundation Occasional Publication No. 9.
• Coombs, H.C. The Future of the Australian Aboriginal. The George Judah Cohen Memorial Lecture, Sydney.

1973

• Coombs, H.C. Ecologist and entrepreneur – Is reconciliation possible? In: Industry and the Environment. Science and Industry Forum Report No. 6, Australian Academy of Science, Canberra, pp. 7-11.

1974

• Coombs, H.C. Decentralization trends among Aboriginal communities. Search, 5, 135-43.

1976

• Coombs, H.C. Aboriginal Australians 1967-76: A Decade of Progress? Walter Murdoch Lecture, Murdoch University, Perth.

1977

• Coombs, H.C. The Pitjantjatjara Aborigines: A Strategy for Survival. CRES Working Paper No. 1. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 53pp.
• Coombs, H.C. The Quality of Life and its Assessment. Paper given at the Sixth Conference of Economists, University of Tasmania. Occasional Paper 11, University of Tasmania, Hobart.
• Coombs, H.C. The Application of CDEP in Aboriginal Communities in the Eastern Zone of Western Australia. CRES Working Paper No. 3. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 15 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Report of the Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration. Government Printer, Canberra, 483pp.
• Coombs, H.C. The Commission Report. In: Hazlehurst, C. and Nethercote, J.R. (eds.) Reforming Australian Government: The Coombs Report and Beyond. Royal Institute of Public Administration, Canberra, pp. 49-52.
• Coombs, H.C. The future bureaucracy. In: Hazlehurst, C. and Nethercote, J.R. (eds.) Reforming Australian Government: The Coombs Report and Beyond. Royal Institute of Public Administration, Canberra, pp. 53-57.

1978

• Coombs, H.C. Implications of land rights. In: Jones, R. (ed.) Northern Australia: Options and Implications. Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, pp. 121-129.
• Costin, A.B. and Coombs, H.C. Australian conservation. Nature, 274, 528.
• Coombs, H.C. Australia's Policy towards Aboriginals 1967-1977. Minority Rights Group Report No. 35, London.
• Coombs, H.C. Some Aspects of Development in Aboriginal Communities in Central Australia. CRES Working Paper No. 5. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 59 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Scarcity, Wealth and Income. Presented when President of the Australian Conservation at Hobart, Tasmania, October 1978. CRES Working Paper No. 7. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 16 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Submission to the Commission on the Walpiri Land Claim. CRES Working Paper No. 8. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 34 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Implications of Land Rights. CRES Working Paper No. 9. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 15 pp. Reproduced in Coombs, H.C. (1994) Aboriginal Autonomy.
• Coombs, H.C. Aggression and the Aboriginal environment. In: Aggression: Second Australian -Asian Pacific Congress of the Australian Academy of Forensic Sciences, Sydney. Also published as CRES Working Paper No. 6. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 9 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Aboriginal nutrition and the ecosystems of Central Australia: Summing-up. Aboriginal Nutrition , 2, 2-3.
• Coombs, H.C. 'President's Report'. In Australian Conservation Foundation Annual Report 1977-78. Australian Conservation Foundation, Melbourne.

1979

• Coombs, H.C. Science and technology for what purpose? In: Healy, A.T.A. (ed.) Science and Technology for What Purpose? Australian Academy of Science, Canberra, pp. 21-47. Also published as CRES Working Paper No. 12. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra.
• Coombs, H.C. Is Democracy Alive and Well? CRES Working Paper No. 10. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 19 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Aboriginal Land Rights Teach-in. CRES Working Paper No. 11. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 9 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Guest of Honour Talk: Australian Broadcasting Commission. CRES Working Paper No. 13. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 5 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. The Proposal for a Treaty Between the Commonwealth and Aboriginal Australians. CRES Working Paper No. 14. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 9 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. 'President's Report'. In Australian Conservation Foundation Annual Report 1978-9. Australian Conservation Foundation, Melbourne.

1980

• Coombs, H.C. The future of the outstation movement. In: Coombs, H.C., Dexter, B.G. and Hiatt, L.R. (eds.) The Outstation Movement in Aboriginal Australia. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies Newsletter 14, 16-23. Also published as CRES Working Paper No. 15. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 9 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. The impact of uranium mining on the social environment of Aborigines in the Alligator Rivers region In: Harris, S.F. (ed.) Social and Environmental Choice: The Impact of Uranium Mining in the Northern Territory. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, pp. 122-135. Also published as CRES Working Paper No. 18.
• Coombs, H.C. Signing an Australian peace treaty. Social Alternatives, 1, 63-64.
• Coombs, H.C. Economic change and political strategy. Chamberlain Lecture, University of Western Australia. CRES Working Paper No. 19. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 26 pp.

1981

• Coombs, H.C. Yirrkala Law Council. Social Alternatives, 2, 36, 60.
• Costin, A.B. and Coombs, H.C. Farm planning for resource conservation. Trees and Victoria's Resources, 24, 21-22.
• Coombs, H.C. Comment: Farm planning for resource conservation. Search, 12, 429-430

1982

• Coombs, H.C. On the question of government. In: Berndt, R.M. (ed.) Aboriginal Sites, Rights and Resource Development. Proceedings of the Fifth Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia Symposium, Canberra 1981. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
• Coombs, H.C. The case for a treaty. In: Olbrei, E.K. (ed.) Black Australians: The Prospects for Change. James Cook University Students Union, Townsville, pp. 57-60.
• Coombs, H.C. The three waves of Aboriginal identity. Aboriginal Treaty News, 4, 9.
• Coombs, H.C. Technology, income distribution and the quality of life. Search, 13, 142-147.

1983

• Coombs, H.C. The Yirrkala Proposals for Law and Order. CRES Working Paper No. 1983/11. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 14 pp. Reproduced in Coombs, H.C. (1994) Aboriginal Autonomy.
• Coombs, H.C. Economic, Social and Spiritual Factors in Aboriginal Health. CRES Working Paper No. 1983/16. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 14 pp. Reproduced in Coombs, H.C. (1994) Aboriginal Autonomy.
• Coombs, H.C. The economic and social impact of nuclear war for Australia and its region. In: Denborough, M. (ed.) Australia and Nuclear War. Croom Helm Australia, Canberra, pp. 119-135.

1984

• Coombs, H.C. The Role of the National Aboriginal Conference. Report to the Hon. Clyde Holding, Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 147pp.
• Coombs, H.C. John Curtin: a consensus Prime Minister? John Curtin Memorial Lecture, Australian National University. Arena, 69, 46-59.

1985

• Coombs, H.C. The Yirrkala proposals for Law and order. In: Hazlehurst, K.M. (ed.) Justice Programs for Aboriginal and other Indigenous Communities; Australia: New Zealand, Canada, Fiji and Papua New Guinea. Proceedings of the Aboriginal Criminal Justice Workshop No. 1, 29 April-2 May, pp. 201-205. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
• Coombs, H.C., Bin-Sallik, M.A., Hall, F.L. and Mottison J. Report of Commission of Inquiry into Aboriginal Employment and Training Programs. Australian Government Printing Service, Canberra.
• Coombs, H.C. Where do we go from here. In: Wright, J. (ed.) We Call for a Treaty. Collins and Fontana, Sydney, pp. 284-307.
• Coombs, H.C. Resource management and environmental law. Paper presented to Environmental Law Association Symposium, Hobart, 1985. Published in Coombs, H.C. (1990). The Return of Scarcity: Strategies for an Economic Future. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 97-117.

1986

• Coombs, H.C. Towards Aboriginal independence. In: Foran, B.P. and Walker, B.W. (eds.) Science and Technology for Aboriginal Development. Centre for Appropriate Technology, Alice Springs, pp. 38-43.
• Coombs, H.C. Sustainable society will need a new ethic of responsibility. Habitat, 14(1), 29-31.
• Coombs, H.C. The predecessors. In: The Whitlam Phenomenon. McPhee Gribble/Penguin, Fitzroy, pp. 41-59.

1988

• Coombs, H.C. Aborigines and the Treaty of Waitangi. Boyer Lecture No. 6, Australian Broadcasting Commission, Sydney. Reproduced in Coombs, H.C. (1994) Aboriginal Autonomy.

1989

• Coombs, H.C. Aboriginals and the Treaty of Waitangi. Land Rights News, 2(12) 18-20.
• Coombs, H.C. Science and technology: for what – or for whom? Current Affairs, 56(4), 4-15.

1990

• Coombs, H.C., Dargavel, J., Kesteven, J., Ross, H., Smith, D.I. and Young, E. The Promise of the Land: Sustainable Use by Aboriginal Communities. CRES Working Paper No. 1990/1. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, 19 pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Aboriginal Employment: The Underlying Issues. Report to the Commissioner, Mr P. Dodson, Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. Reproduced in Coombs, H.C. (1994) Aboriginal Autonomy.
• Coombs, H.C. Aboriginal Education, Socialisation and the Underlying Issues. Report to the Commissioner, Mr P. Dodson, Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody.

1991

• Coombs, H.C. Aborigines Made Visible: from 'Humbug' to Politics. Kenneth Myer Lecture. Friends of the National Library of Australia, Canberra. Reproduced in Coombs, H.C. (1994) Aboriginal Autonomy.
• Coombs, H.C. Aborigines and Development in the Northern Territory. State Library of the Northern Territory, Occasional Paper No. 24.

1992

• Coombs, H.C. Banana republic? No, banana colony. Australian Business Monthly, March, 26-29.
• Coombs, H.C. A sundered country. Australian Business Monthly, April, 50-52.
• Coombs, H.C. Miners still in dreamtime. Australian Business Monthly, April, 50-52.
• Coombs, H.C. Black deaths – who has custody. Australian Business Monthly, June, 126-128.
• Coombs, H.C. Towards a new federation. Australian Business Monthly, July, 146-148.
• Coombs, H.C. Multifunction parks. Australian Business Monthly, September, 138-140.
• Coombs, H.C. How the West was won. Australian Business Monthly, November, 74-77.
• Coombs, H.C. Signing an Australian peace treaty. Social Alternatives, 6/7, 63-64.

1993

• Coombs, H.C. Aborigines and development in northern Australia. Occasional Paper No. 24, North Australia Research Unit, Darwin.
• Coombs, H.C. Science and technology – for what purpose? Questioning the future. Occasional Paper No. 3, Commission for the Future, Canberra.
• Coombs, H.C. Issues in Dispute: Aborigines Working for Autonomy. Published jointly by the North Australia Research Unit, Australian National University, and The Age and The Canberra Times, 52pp.
• Coombs, H.C. Willowra. Published jointly by the North Australia Research Unit, Australian National University, and the Nugget Coombs Forum for Indigenous Studies.
• Coombs, H.C. Independence or bust. Australian Business Monthly, January, 60-63.
• Coombs, H.C. Who owns the intelligentsia? Australian Business Monthly, February, 116-119.
• Coombs, H.C. Grasping the Mabo options. Australian Business Monthly, August, 38-41.

Henry Oliver Lancaster (1913–2001) was a pioneering Australian statistician and medical scientist. 

His most celebrated medical contributions include the first quantitative demonstration that melanoma rates increased closer to the equator due to UV radiation, and a groundbreaking study establishing the causal link between rubella infection during pregnancy and congenital deafness. 

As Foundation Professor of Mathematical Statistics from 1959 to 1978, he made major theoretical advances in the decomposition of the chi-square statistic and the theory of bivariate distributions, work that was incorporated into leading international statistical textbooks. 

He was also a prolific historian and bibliographer of statistics and medicine, producing the vast scholarly work Expectations of life (1990) among many other publications. 

He was elected a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science in 1961, awarded the Lyle Medal, and appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia in 1992.

Download the memoir

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol. 15(2), 2004. It was written by:

• E. Seneta, School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of Sydney. Eugene Seneta, FAA, succeeded H.O. Lancaster as Professor and Head of Mathematical Statistics at the University of Sydney in 1979. Denoted by 'ES' in the sequel.
• G.K. Eagleson, Australian Graduate School of Management, University of New South Wales. Geoff Eagleson was one of Lancaster's first PhD students in Mathematical Statistics (PhD, University of Sydney, 1967).

Written by M. F. Newman and G. E. Wall.

Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science and Fellowship of the Australian College of Education are formal recognition of Hanna Neumann's impact on a country she had first set foot in only in August 1963. But then Hanna Neumann was a remarkable person. Throughout her life she had won the love and respect of many people. The extent of this can not really be measured, however some indications can be given. A memorial meeting held in Canberra overflowed a large lecture theatre even though it was virtually vacation time. A collection of papers dedicated to her memory and a fund to provide some form of memorial to her have both drawn quite overwhelming support from many parts of the world. One finds a tremendous list of words describing her memorable qualities: warm, enthusiastic, inspiring, energetic, firm, tactful, sympathetic, efficient, patient, shrewd, humble, peace-loving, courageous, gracious,...No words can hope to evoke more than a pale shadow of such a person; this story must be read in such a light.

A description of Hanna's life (she was not a formal sort of person and much preferred this simple style of address) divides rather naturally into three parts: Germany 1914-38, Britain 1938-63; Australia 1963-71.

Hanna was born in Berlin on 12 February 1914 the youngest of three children of Hermann and Katharina von Caemmerer. Her father was the only male descendant of a family of Prussian officer tradition. He broke the tradition to become an historian. He had a doctorate and his venia legendi (right to lecture) and was well on the way to establishing himself as an archivist and academic historian when he was killed in the first days of the 1914-18 war. Her mother was descended from a Huguenot family which had settled in Prussia in the second half of the eighteenth century. The older children were a brother Ernst (1908) and a sister Dora (1910). Her brother was Professor of Law at Freiburg i.Br.-he was for a time Rektor (Vice-chancellor). Her sister (who also has a doctorate) worked in Berlin in the re-training of social workers.

As a result of her father's death the family lived impecuniously on a war pension which had to be supplemented by other earnings. Already at the age of thirteen Hanna contributed to the family income by coaching younger school children. By the time she reached the final years at school she was coaching up to fifteen periods a week. This presumably helped teach her to organize her time efficiently.

After two years in a private school she entered the Augusta-Victoria-Schule, a girls' grammar school (Realgymnasium), in 1922. She graduated from there early in 1932. Her school report for university entrance lists fifteen subjects taken. She attained a grade of 'good' or higher in all but one of these in the Abiturium (final examination); the exception was music which she none the less liked and maintained an interest in throughout her life. The report comments that she showed independence of judgement, acute thinking (well beyond the requirements of the school) in mathematics and natural science and a note-worthy willingness to help. Only one teacher stood out in Hanna's memory of her school days – Fraulein Otto, her form mistress and French teacher for the final two years. This woman, who was to become a trusted friend in the turbulent Nazi years ahead, by the example of her fortitude, sense of humour, tolerance and wisdom, strongly influenced Hanna's view of people and events; her lack of hatred and bitterness, more than anything else, convinced Hanna that they have no place, ever, in human relations.

Her early hobby was botany. She collected plant specimens and built up voluminous herbaria for about four years until at about the age of fourteen this interest was superseded by her interest in mathematics.

Hanna entered the University of Berlin at the Easter of 1932. Her first year, the summer semester of 1932 and the winter semester of 1932-33, was all that she had dreamt it would be. The lecture courses in mathematics she took that year were: Introduction to Higher Mathematics given by Feigl; Analytical Geometry and Projective Geometry both given by Bieberbach; Differential and Integral Calculus, E. Schmidt; and The Theory of Numbers, Schur. The first of these courses eventually appeared in print in 1953 under the names of Feigl and Rohrbach; in the introduction one finds an acknowledgement to use made of notes taken by Hanna in that summer semester of 1932. She was introduced to physics by the Nobel Laureate Nernst in a course of lectures on Experimental Physics. She also attended a course, Introduction to the Theory of Physics, by Orthmann. As well as these formal courses she took full advantage of the German tradition of attending lectures on a wide variety of topics. She listened to Kohler, one of the originators of Gestalt theory, on Psychology; to the well-known Roman Catholic theologian Guardini on Dante, and to Wolff, the leading academic lawyer in Germany, on Common Law (his popularity was such that he always had overflow audiences in the biggest lecture theatre in Berlin University).

Bieberbach, Schmidt and Schur, all full professors of mathematics, were to have strong mathematical and personal effects on her life. Bieberbach was the first strong mathematical influence. He was, to her, an inspiring mathematician in spite of disorganized lecturing. He nearly turned her into a geometer. In fact she seems to have had quite a strong geometrical bent. Schmidt and Schur were, respectively, responsible for her introduction to Analysis and Algebra.

In this first year at university besides the excitement of study and the inevitable coaching there were, because lectures started early (8 a.m. and sometimes in summer 7 a.m.) and finished late, coffee breaks. Hanna soon found herself in a group of people, all senior to her – some already with doctorates – many of whom were later to make their mark in mathematical circles. It included Werner Fenchel and his future wife Käte (both professors at Copenhagen), Kurt Hirsch (recently retired as Professor of Pure Mathematics at Queen Mary College, London), Rudolf Kochendörffer (Professor at Dortmund, for a time Professor of Pure Mathematics in the University of Tasmania), Erika Pannwitz (formerly Chief Editor of the Zentralblatt für Mathematik), Richard Rado (Emeritus Professor at Reading), Helmut Wielandt (Professor at Tübingen and longtime editor of Mathematische Zeitschrift) and, in particular, her future husband Bernhard H. Neumann (Professor of Mathematics at the Australian National University).

The friendship between Hanna and Bernhard started in January 1933 and quickly blossomed into something special. In August 1933 Bernhard left for Cambridge in England; it had become clear that Germany would be no place for Jews for some time to come. At the Easter of 1934 Hanna visited Bernhard in London and they became secretly engaged; already the climate in Germany, and soon the law, was against such 'mixed' marriages. Then Hanna returned to her studies.

As a result of her work in her first year, Hanna won three-quarters remission of fees and got a job as a part-time assistant in the library of the Mathematical Institute. This meant not only a lighter load of coaching but also, very importantly, an earlier than usual introduction to a wider range of mathematical books and to mathematical journals.

In Germany at that time the first university degree was a doctorate (of philosophy). However university study could also lead to the Staatsexamen which was a necessary prerequisite for entry into the public service including the teaching service. The formal requirements for both were similar. There were certain attendance requirements: at lecture courses, at exercise classes, at practical classes, at seminars and at a physical education course (swimming in Hanna's case). There was also for each a final examination. The examination for the Staatsexamen laid more stress on breadth, it consisted of two essays and an oral examination in two major fields of study and one subsidiary (the example of Hanna's examination will be given a little later). The examination for the doctorate laid more stress on depth; it consisted of a thesis usually embodying some original results and an oral examination in two major fields (for example, Algebra and Analysis), a minor field (say, Experimental Physics) and a subsidiary (say, Philosophy). As a consequence, in the first couple of years the final goal was relatively unimportant.

In her second year Hanna attended lectures on Higher Geometry, Differential and Integral Calculus, Differential Equations, The Theory of Functions, Ideal Theory, Mechanics, and General Experimental Chemistry. She took part in the exercise classes associated with some of these courses, in the beginners' practical classes in Astronomy and Physics, and in a junior (pro-)seminar.

There is a story about the practical Physics class which illustrates a significant feature of Hanna's make-up. During the course the students, working in pairs, were required to use a theodolite to measure the height of a distant chimney stack. Hanna and her partner made the measurements, did the appropriate calculations and took the work for marking. They were told their result was significantly wrong and to repeat the work. This they did with essentially the same result. They were then told how far short their result was and to try again. They did with again much the same result. They then managed to persuade the demonstrator to check the measurements. Much to his surprise his agreed with theirs. Investigations revealed that a few years earlier the stack had been lowered by several courses of bricks!

During Hanna's first year at university the Nazis came to power and Hanna was outspokenly critical of them. The Nazis tried to stop the lectures of Jewish staff by organizing protests and violence in them. In her second year Hanna was active in a group of students who tried to protect the Jewish lecturers by ensuring that only genuine students attended their lectures. In spite of this student support the objective was achieved. Moreover people with Jewish ancestry were prevented from studying in universities. Hanna lost her job in the Mathematical Institute, presumably as a result of these activities. However she had by then won, and continued to earn for the rest of her course, full remission of fees.

In her third year Hanna attended lectures on Set Theory, Elliptic Functions, Groups of Linear Transformations, The Theory of Functions, The Theory of Invariants, the Theory of Electricity and Magnetism, Logic and Fundamental Questions of Metaphysics. She did practical Physics and attended the Analysis, Geometry and Algebra seminars and also the Philosophy of Religion seminar of Guardini (this latter she regarded as a particular honour as attendance was by invitation only and it was not one of her major studies).

Early in the third year Hanna was invited to become a reviewer for the Jahrbuch über die Fortschritte der Mathematik. A couple of years later she had a vacation job in the editorial office; employed, as she was much later to describe it, 'rather like a superior office boy'.

In her fourth year she attended courses in the Theory of Functions, Additive Number Theory, Galois Theory, The Philosophy of History, The Principal Problems of Systematic Philosophy and The History of the Development of German Education. She attended exercise classes in the Introduction to Philosophy and on Plato's Republic, a Philosophy colloquium, further practical Physics classes and again the Analysis and Algebra seminars and the pro-seminar of A. Brauer.

The Nazi terror had the effect of polarizing people; it was almost impossible to remain neutral. Hanna was fascinated and frightened by this process – fascinated by the way she and others developed a sixth sense for detecting the direction in which people had become polarized, frightened by the way some people reacted (one eminent mathematician started writing in all seriousness about the differences between Aryan and Jewish mathematics).

There was also a direct effect on her studies. Hanna had by now set her sights directly on a doctorate. However in her fourth year she was warned that in the oral examination the above-mentioned mathematician would personally examine her on 'political knowledge' which was by now compulsory. She was advised to switch quickly to the Staatsexamen for which, though it had a similar requirement, the oral might be arranged with a different examiner. She could then go on and do a doctorate at another university.

As remarked earlier the Staatsexamen had requirements which placed more emphasis on breadth than those for the doctorate. Hanna chose to be examined in Mathematics, Physics and Philosophy. This involved an oral examination in all three subjects and extended essays in Mathematics and Philosophy. The switch also involved some last minute changes in her course for the eighth semester to meet the requirements in Philosophy. Fortunately she was able to find a Philosophy lecturer who was sympathetic to her difficulties. He suggested the essay topic: The epistemological basis of number in Plato's later dialogues. Though this work was intended as a make-weight, Hanna tackled it with commendable thoroughness. In order to be able to compare the translations of critical passages she acquired a rudimentary knowledge of Greek in a couple of months of private study. The mathematical essay was: The construction of relative cyclic fields. The summer semester of 1936 was spent on leave from courses preparing for the orals in August. Preparation was seriously disrupted by an attack of scarlet fever. Nevertheless she obtained distinctions in both Mathematics and Physics and good in Philosophy for an over-all award with distinction.

During all this time Hanna and Bernhard kept in contact by correspondence. It was, in the circumstances, not an easy correspondence; it was conducted anonymously through various friendly channels. They met only once during this period – in Denmark for a couple of weeks in 1936 when Bernhard was travelling from the International Congress of Mathematicians in Oslo.

With the Staatsexamen completed and through the good offices of Hans Rohrbach, a lecturer at Göttingen and former Assistant at Berlin (later Emeritus Professor at Mainz), Hanna was accepted as a research student by Hasse, one of the professors in Göttingen. He also found her a minor tutoring and assistant's job with which she could finance her stay. Before taking up studies there in the summer of 1937, Hanna spent six months working in the statistics department of an institute of military economics. Göttingen was very active though it was no longer the outstanding centre that it had been before the advent of the Nazis. As well as Hasse and his team, there was Siegel and his co-workers. Hasse believed in team work: he assigned each of his school some task towards a common goal. At that time it was the Riemann conjecture in algebraic function fields of characteristic p. Seminars were used to ensure that everyone retained an overall picture of the project. The most powerful members of the team were Witt, H. L. Schmid, and Deuring; fellow students were Günther Pickert and Paul Lorenzen.

In Göttingen Hanna found time for some chess and some gliding. She also found time to attend a course on Czech – this because a friend wanted to learn the language and the minimum class size was two. The course was no hardship as Hanna had a flair for learning languages, one that she put to good use later in her professional career in reading papers in a wide variety of languages.

Early 1938 saw the annexation of Austria and summer the Czechoslovak crisis. Hanna decided it would be impossible to complete her course without risking a prolonged delay in her marriage plans. So, after three semesters, she gave up her course and in July 1938 went to Britain. Hanna never harboured any bitterness or resentment against Germany and was later to enjoy a number of visits there.

The first years in Britain were far from easy, yet they saw the beginning of her family, and the beginning of productive research. Hanna and Bernhard felt they could not openly marry until his parents were safe from possible reprisals. Bernhard was a Temporary Assistant Lecturer in Cardiff. Hanna went to live in Bristol. There she started working on a problem, suggested to her by Bernhard, that was to be the seed for her first paper, 'On the elimination rule'. The opening two paragraphs of the paper tell the story:

Chess matches are often decided according to the following elimination rule. The team with the higher score wins, of course. If both teams score the same number of points, the one that lost at the last board at which the game was not drawn wins the match. The problem is to find an arithmetical equivalent of this rule, i.e., to attribute to the single boards positive integral weights (which then have to be chosen as small as possible) such that the result is in accordance with this rule. We solve this problem as a special case of the following more general problem.

It was also then that she started working on finite plane geometries, an interest that was to remain with her throughout her life. The interest was inspired by a report Bernhard gave her of a lecture describing the connection between Graeco-Latin squares and finite planes that he heard at the British Association meeting in August 1938. Her work on finite planes, though rarely a major interest, provided material for several lecture courses and occasional lectures, and in 1954 a paper 'On some finite non-desarguesian planes'. In a memorial lecture in Toronto the leading geometer Coxeter described this as an important contribution. She showed the existence of finite planes with two types of quadrangles: some whose diagonal points are collinear, and some whose diagonal points are not (the Fano configuration). She made the bold (according to Coxeter) conjecture that a finite plane in which all quadrangles are of the same type is desarguesian. This conjecture is still unresolved.

Late in 1938 Hanna and Bernhard were secretly married in Cardiff. They finally set up house together in Cardiff early in 1939 when Bernhard's parents joined them. Later that year their first child, Irene, was born. During this time in Cardiff Hanna's earlier interest in botany was turned to practical use. The family were able to vary and supplement their diet with the use of such plants as sorrel which could be found growing wild.

Both Hanna and Bernhard were classified as 'least restricted' aliens. This meant that at first they were not affected by restrictions on aliens. However, after Dunkirk a larger part of the coast was barred to all aliens and they were required to leave Cardiff. They moved to Oxford – because it was a university town. Within a week Bernhard was interned and a few months later released into the British army. Meanwhile Hanna, expecting a second child, made arrangements to complete a doctorate (D.Phil.). This was made possible by the Society of Oxford Home Students (later St Anne's College) through which she enrolled, and a generous waiver of fees that Oxford University granted to all refugee students whose courses had been interrupted. Just after Christmas the second child, Peter, was born (he became a mathematics don at Oxford after himself gaining a D.Phil. from there).

On leaving Germany Hanna had abandoned her research on algebraic function fields feeling that it was not fruitful to continue this line outside the team. (She was not aware till after the war that Weil had solved the problem in 1940). For her D.Phil. thesis she chose the problem of determining the sub-group structure of free products of groups with an amalgamated subgroup. This had been suggested in the paper of Kuroš in which he solved the corresponding problem when there is no amalgamation. Her research supervisor was Olga Taussky-Todd (then a lecturer at Westfield College, London, which had been evacuated to Oxford; she became professor at the California Institute of Technology). The supervision was largely a formality as Hanna made good progress and her supervisor was not especially interested in the topic of research. Hanna also had once or twice a term to visit her College Tutor. On these occasions fellow students would mind the children in the common room. The children used to travel in a side-car attached to Hanna's bicycle. The combination became well-known throughout Oxford.

The major problem during this time was accommodation. The original flat became unavailable towards the end of 1941. It was not easy to find accommodation with two young children and was made no easier by having to compete with refugees from the bombing of London. All Hanna could find was a sub-letting of part of a house – with shared facilities. A year later another move became necessary. This time Hanna found a brilliant solution. She rented a caravan and got permission from a market gardener to park it on his farm. She also, as was necessary had it declared 'approved rooms' by the Oxford Delegacy of Lodgings.

It was then that the thesis was largely written; in a caravan by candlelight. The typing was done on a card-table by a haystack when the weather permitted. The thesis was submitted in mid-1943. Soon after, restrictions on aliens were eased and Hanna was able to return to Cardiff. In November of that year the third child, Barbara, was born (she graduated in Mathematics from Sussex University and went on to teach mathematics). The thesis was examined by two Fellows of the Royal Society – Philip Hall (later Sadleirian Professor of Pure Mathematics at Cambridge) and Henry Whitehead (later Wayneflete Professor of Pure Mathematics at Oxford). The oral examination took place in Oxford in April 1944. Hanna returned to Cardiff with her D.Phil.

A year later the war in Europe was over. Bernhard was demobilized from the army and resumed his university career at the beginning of 1946 with a Temporary Lectureship at the University College in Hull. At the same time the fourth child, Walter, was born (after studying at universities in New York, Adelaide and Bonn, he gained a doctorate and is now active in mathematical research). For the next academic year Bernhard was made a Lecturer. Hanna was offered a Temporary Assistant Lectureship which she took and thus began her formal teaching career.

Hanna was to stay in Hull for twelve years rising through the ranks to be by the end of her time there a Senior Lecturer. She also saw the transformation from a college of about 500 students being prepared for London external degrees to an autonomous university of about 1400 students. Bernhard, on the other hand, received an invitation to a Lectureship at Manchester and from October 1948 spent his terms in Manchester.

The curriculum of British universities was not one which Hanna's training had specifically equipped her to teach. In reviewing the book of Feigl-Rohrbach, Einführung in die höhere Mathematik, she regretted that a course of that kind was not suitable for use in British universities 'where so much more time is spent on enabling a student to solve problems – or perhaps: so much more care is taken to turn out students not worried by an integral or a differential equation'. With characteristic energy, and she would no doubt say because of her more mathematical training, she learnt the requisite techniques and was able to give lectures which students found clear and illuminating though demanding. The head of the department in Hull was an applied mathematician. So Hanna, with her (by British standards) very pure background, became the focus for moves to change the curriculum to introduce some of the more recent developments in pure mathematics. Here her ability to argue a case clearly, firmly and with tact was invaluable in getting changes made.

She took an active interest in her students. She was a strong supporter of the student mathematical society. She gave lectures to it on a number of occasions on such topics as: Dissection of rectangles into incongruent squares; Difficulties in defining the area of surfaces; and Prime numbers. Her aim was to exhibit some of the facets of mathematics for which there was not enough time in the regular courses and, as always, to convey her joy in mathematics. It was one of Hanna's striking qualities that she found joy in so much. The model-building group also had her active support; in particular she participated in the making of paper models of regular and other solids. The outstanding feature, though, was her coffee evening. She often invited staff and students to meet at her house over coffee. This turned into a regular weekly open house at which her students were always welcome and, as one of her colleagues of those times says, 'many benefited greatly from being able to drop in for company, discussion and often help with personal affairs'. She was very interested in people and in seeing that they made the most of their abilities. One finds over and over that her interest in someone's work and her encouragement of it played a significant role.

A number of people now teaching in British universities received significant help from Hanna. One of the undergraduates, John Britton, stayed on to take a Master's degree under Hanna's direction. This involved preparing him for two examination papers; he chose Group Theory and Analysis. The latter involved Hanna in learning a lot of hard analysis by working through Whittaker and Watson's A course of modern analysis. He then went to Manchester to work for a doctorate under Bernhard's supervision and became a professor at Queen Elizabeth College, London. One of her young colleagues, John Shepperd, who had a Master's degree for work of an applied nature, became interested in Group Theory, and, under Hanna's guidance, gained a doctorate for work in it. John Bowers, later a lecturer at Leeds, took a Master's degree under Hanna and went on to London to do a doctorate.

Meanwhile the family thrived and grew with the addition of a fifth child, Daniel, born in 1951 (he has completed a university course in Mathematics and Greek). This was, of course, a very busy time for Hanna. Even with a home-help (in whom she invariably inspired intense loyalty), she had to be well-organized and call on all her resources of stamina, will-power and self-discipline. Visitors were always struck by the organization of the children: all had tasks to do and carried them out with responsibility and efficiency.

Research continued too. Two papers were prepared from material of the thesis and published in the American Journal of Mathematics. In Manchester Bernhard shared an office with Graham Higman, (Whitehead's successor at Oxford) and this led to a joint paper, Embedding theorems for groups, in 1949 which is much quoted and has led to certain groups being called HNN-groups. Her own research and joint research with Bernhard also progressed well and resulted in a number of papers. In 1955 her published work was submitted to Oxford and judged worthy of a D.Sc. A lecture given by H. Hopf, a very distinguished topologist, to the fourth British Mathematical Colloquium in 1952 helped revive interest in a group-theoretic problem of his which is related to the structure of certain manifolds. Hanna was invited to lecture at the sixth British Mathematical Colloquium in 1954 and chose to report on Hopf's problem. The problem involved a property of groups which is now called the Hopf property. Hanna reported on the state of knowledge about Hopf groups and went on to ask a number of questions about them. One of these, whether the free product of finitely many Hopf groups is again a Hopf group, was to concern her for quite a number of years. In 1954 she attended the International Congress of Mathematicians in Amsterdam and reported on some work on near-rings. This led on to work on varieties of groups which was to be a very significant part of her mathematical career and in which she was to be a leading figure.

As if she didn't already have a full load, Hanna also took on for a time the job of Secretary of a local United Nations Association branch.

At various times from 1948 on Hanna looked for a suitable position in Manchester so that the family could lead a life under one roof. This search finally succeeded in 1958, when the Faculty of Technology of the University of Manchester (now The University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology) decided to set up an honours programme in mathematics and were looking for a relatively senior pure mathematician to be responsible for that aspect of the courses. (There was and is no formal contact between the Department of Mathematics in the Faculty of Technology and that in the other part of the university in which Bernhard was by then a Reader; they are also physically quite separated.) Hanna applied for and was appointed to a Lectureship in the Faculty of Technology – with the understanding that the drop from Senior Lecturer would be short-lived; and indeed it was. It was considered by some that this was not only a drop in rank but also a drop to a lower kind of institution. Hanna did not feel this and in a lecture to her former colleagues at Hull a year later was able to report from experience that she saw no justification for that view.

Before taking up the appointment in Manchester in October, Hanna and Bernhard fitted in a stay at the International Congress of Mathematicians in Edinburgh and a cycling holiday with the family. Longish cycling trips with the children had become very much part of their life and cycling remained an important recreation with Hanna.

During Hanna's first year in Manchester Bernhard took his first study leave. In the nine months of it he visited India and Australia. Hanna took over the supervision of one of his research students (MFN).

Hanna set about organizing courses which would show the students something of mathematics as she saw it. She was able to introduce into the first year course, which had till then been entirely problem-oriented, a small strand of one lecture a week of an introduction to mathematics in the style of Feigl-Rohrbach. The later-year algebra courses much more thoroughly reflected her own interests and views. She continued to develop a style of teaching which aimed at making the acquisition of very abstract ideas accessible through judicious use of more concrete examples and well-graded exercises. Through the use of books like those of Kemeny and others, she was able to emphasize to undergraduates that parts of mathematics other than calculus were being applied to branches of human endeavour other than physics, Hanna also set about building up an active teaching and research team around her. After a year John Shepperd came from Hull and soon became involved with and solved a problem raised by a braid manufacturer which was first taken to the textile engineers and was brought by them to the mathematicians. The solution of this used some quite deep group theory. Hanna was delighted with this application and built it into a lecture for non-specialist audiences. In the following year (1960-61) Jim Wiegold, a former research student of Bernhard's with whom Hanna had started joint work on certain products of groups which they called linked products, joined the staff. That year Hanna started supervising her first research students: Ian Dey, later a Senior Lecturer at the Open University, and Chris Houghton, later a Lecturer at Cardiff. Ian Dey worked on the problem of whether the free product of finitely many finitely-generated Hopf groups is again Hopf and settled a number of special cases.

Life thus continued very busy. Hanna would sometimes work all night reading manuscripts or preparing lectures, take a good long shower and appear in the office seemingly as fresh as if she had had a night's sleep. She did not allow this pressure of work to interfere with her contact with fellow staff and students nor with taking an interest in their work. There were regular coffee sessions at which they would discuss problems of interest. She was not beyond getting new experiences such as that of wall-papering.

In the summer of 1959 she went on a fortnight's tour of universities in Hungary lecturing on various aspects of her research. Hanna also received an invitation to address the twelfth British Mathematical Colloquium in 1960. On this occasion she talked about Wreath Products – a group construction which had implicitly seen the light of day in the work of Frobenius in the 1890s but which had really burst into prominence in the 1950s. It had played a key part in some work with Bernhard and was to play a key part in some other work a year later.

Group theory is studied by mathematicians largely for the fascination of its problems and the appeal of its ideas. However certain aspects of it have proved useful in the application of mathematics to various fields but especially physics. While Hanna was always at pains to stress that she saw the intrinsic motivations of beauty and joy as quite crucial, she was also interested in exploring such applications. Therefore she agreed to take part in a postgraduate course run by mathematicians and physicists on representations of groups. The mathematicians were to begin by giving a detailed account of those parts of the theory of interest to the physicists and then the physicists were to take over and explain how the theory was used. Hanna gave the mathematical lectures during 1960-61; the physical part never eventuated.

During 1960-61 preparations were made for a joint study leave by Hanna and Bernhard at the Courant Institute of Mathematical Sciences in New York in 1961-62; Hanna was a Visiting Research Scientist. It was also then that an offer came to Bernhard to set up a research department of mathematics at the Australian National University. Hanna was offered a post as Reader (now called Professorial Fellow) in that department. They accepted, with Bernhard to take up his appointment after the year in New York and Hanna a year later after discharging her obligations to her research students in Manchester.

The year in New York was very successful. They were accompanied on the trip by their three sons. The eldest (by then an undergraduate at Oxford) started an active interest in research under the guidance of one of the professors there, Gilbert Baumslag (another former student of Bernhard's), and was soon involved in his parents' research. During the year Bernhard, Hanna and Peter solved the problem of the structure of the semigroup of varieties of groups, showing that it is free. Together with Baumslag the three of them also made a significant study of varieties of groups that are generated by a finitely-generated group. Hanna gave a number of invited lectures in the course of the year.

While Hanna was away, the group at Manchester grew with the addition of another staff member, Laci Kovacs (yet another former student of Bernhard's who was later at the Australian National University), and three more research students (supervised by some of the other staff). One of these, Carl Christensen, was a recent graduate of the department who had been inspired to do further work in mathematics by Hanna. The year of winding up was also a hectic year. Hanna was invited to give a number of lectures around the country on the New York work. She also gave a graduate course on varieties of groups: notes were taken by her two students. The course was to be very influential in stimulating the growth of interest in this part of group theory. It was during this year that the so-called finite basis problem for varieties generated by a finite group (first posed by Bernhard in 1935) was solved in stages in Oxford. Hanna reported on progress as it happened. Very typically she kept tabs on what was happening and by her interest encouraged the people making the progress. It also involved a lot of effort on Hanna's part working into an area of group theory with which she was not very familiar. Soon after she reached Australia she was able to report the successful completion of the solution.

While in Manchester Hanna took an active role in the Mathematical Society, a group of people interested in mathematics in a wider and to some extent non-professional sense.

In August 1963 Hanna left Britain to face new challenges in Australia. Hanna came to a research post in which she hoped to pursue her research interests and guide some research students to doctorates. In fact two students were waiting for her when she arrived. They were Martin Ward and Bob Burns; both successfully completed doctorates and later held university teaching posts at the Australian National University and York University (Canada) respectively. Her first goal was to polish the lectures on varieties of groups into a monograph.

Instead Hanna found herself heading into major teaching responsibility. She was invited to take the newly created chair of Pure Mathematics in the National University's School of General Studies (that is the part of the university which is responsible for the teaching of undergraduate students and in which the academic staff are expected to devote a significant part of their time to teaching duties). With the chair went the headship of the Department of Pure Mathematics which, together with the Department of Applied Mathematics, had grown out of the fission of the former Department of Mathematics. She accepted the invitation and took up the appointment in April 1964.

She also quickly became involved with helping teachers in secondary schools with some of the problems being created by the introduction of the Wyndham scheme into secondary schooling in New South Wales. This scheme involved a radical restructuring which forced the creation of new syllabuses. In mathematics these new syllabuses reflected some of the changes that were taking place in the teaching of mathematics in other parts of the world. Many teachers found that their training had not prepared them to teach some aspects of these syllabuses. In the first term of 1964 Hanna and Ken Mattei, one of the mathematics masters in Canberra, ran (under the auspices of the Canberra Mathematical Association) a once-a-week course for teachers entitled 'The language of sets in school mathematics'. This was Hanna's first excursion into this kind of activity, however her experience and sensitivity enabled her to hit the right note and she was thanked '...for the lessons and guidance given so cheerfully and efficiently'. This direct involvement with secondary teachers was, as will be seen, to continue for the rest of her life.

Meanwhile Hanna set about building up a department of pure mathematics under difficult circumstances. Most of the more experienced staff of the former Department of Mathematics had, because of their research interests, joined the Department of Applied Mathematics. At that time experienced staff was almost impossible to come by. Fortunately Hanna was, in time, able to attract some of her former students to join her (Martin Ward, Carl Christensen and Ian Dey) and by her guidance and enthusiasm to build up an active and keen young department round her. In this she was helped by being able to draw on some of the people in Bernhard's department for occasional advanced courses, by being able to attract some more senior people as visitors (including M. Stone, professor at Chicago, and Coxeter, professor at Toronto, for a term each and Jim Wiegold for two years), and to use some of the research students to help with part-time tutoring.

Hanna was concerned to see that all students got courses suited to their needs. On the one hand she wanted the better students to get a real appreciation of mathematics so that they could sensibly decide whether they wanted to make a career within mathematics and be well prepared to do so. In this respect, besides making available an intensive course of study through lectures, she instituted forms of examining, especially take-home assignments, which encouraged more sustained use of the ideas and techniques involved than the conventional short closed-book examination. She also made a supervised project an important component of the final honours year. While this was not intended, these projects occasionally produced original research some of which has been published. On the other hand she was deeply concerned that students with a limited background who were intending only one year's study of mathematics should get as clear an understanding as possible of the nature of the subject because many of these people would be required to make some use of mathematics later in their lives. She was keen to get over the idea that doing and thinking about mathematics can be joyous human activities, though it needed effort to get the rewards. She conveyed this by her own obvious joy in the subject and her willingness to work hard. It is not really possible to assess how successful these shorter courses were in achieving their aims; certainly the classes seem quite happy with them. The success of the intensive course is more easily measurable, at least a dozen students have gone on to complete doctorates in such widely scattered places as Cambridge, Edinburgh and Oxford in Great Britain, Chicago and Seattle in USA and Kingston in Canada as well as in Australia; mostly in mathematics but also in computing, physics and the history of science. These doctorates have been attained by graduates from the honours classes of 1965 to 1968 and represent about half the graduates from those classes. At the time of writing, quite a few of the later graduates were working towards doctorates.

Not only did she have these ideas about teaching which she put into operation, she also created an atmosphere in which her staff were encouraged to have ideas about teaching and to discuss, plan and execute them. Some of these won their way into wide acceptance. For instance a suggestion by a part-time tutor was the seed from which a course on distributions (in the sense of Schwartz) to third year pass students grew. Hanna gave this course a number of times and the lecture notes have been published. These notes were used by Erdélyi, professor at Edinburgh, in connection with a course he gave at the tenth Summer Research Institute of the Australian Mathematical Society and have been used for a course at the University of New South Wales. A short course on computing designed by Bill Steiger and Martin Ward has been made available to the first year students.

As well as creating the course on distribution, Hanna designed some of the details of the more problematic elementary courses and used courses to the final year honours students to work up a knowledge of important areas related to her research interests such as: cohomology of groups and Lie methods in group theory. She supervised the project work of a number of fourth year students on these topics but also on normal numbers and Hilbert's tenth problem.

Hanna believed in making herself available: as far as formal commitments allowed, she was always in her office with the door open. She encouraged students to seek help with their difficulties and she was often to be seen explaining a point at her blackboard. She also found herself helping students with non-mathematical problems. Her impact here is best summed up by the following extract from a letter by two students published in the local paper just after her death:

We will remember her not only as a mathematician; she was a friend who always had a sympathetic ear for any student, and was never too busy.

We will always miss her tremendous dedication and sincerity, and the friendliness of her presence.

Of course the price was paid in much midnight oil.

The new responsibilities drastically reduced the time Hanna had for research and research related activities. Production of the monograph slowed down. In 1965 she helped organize in Canberra a very successful international conference on the theory of groups. At the conference she gave one of the major survey talks – on varieties of groups – in which she was able to report on some of the work that had been inspired by her original course. In 1966 she attended the International Congress of Mathematicians in Moscow and reported on recent work in Canberra on varieties. The monograph was finished towards the end of 1966 and appeared early in 1967. It showed quite clearly the influence of the earlier course in developing interest in the subject. The monograph listed some of the unsolved problems, many of Hanna's own devising, about varieties. Many have been by now solved, quite a number of these by people in Canberra who have been inspired by Hanna to take up an interest in the subject. Almost immediately a Russian translation was started by Šmel'kin in Moscow – this was ready with a couple of appendices a year later but did not appear till 1969. She was invited to give talks on this work at various Australian universities and had been invited to give one of the major lectures at the Australian Mathematical Society meeting in 1972. In 1966 her first two research students in Australia completed their courses and Hanna took on two new students, Chau and Itqan Farouqi, who also went on to take doctorates and take university appointments in Sudbury (Canada) and Karachi (Pakistan) respectively. These two were followed in 1969 by two more, Bill Haebich and George lvanov, who completed their doctorates after her death.

Of course family life continued. Only one child was still living at home. However the family was supplemented by a year-long visit by a niece and a longish visit by Hanna's mother. There was also quite a lot of entertaining of a wide range of colleagues and students, of visitors to Canberra and of friends from their other activities. Hanna served her term on the executive of her local Parents' and Citizens' Association. Hanna's recreations were listed in Who's Who as cycling and photography. The former continued unabated: it was a common sight to see Hanna and Bernhard cycle to and from their offices or to their lunch-time coffee in the city. They also developed a fondness for four-wheel travel and saw much of Australia, especially the back-blocks which so many city-dwellers never see. The photography, which had been a brief interest during student holidays, was revived by coming across some old photos that she had taken. The royalties of the monograph bought a new camera. This interest was combined with the old interest in botany to build up an impressive collection of photographs of flowers and trees of all sorts but especially of many varieties of acacia. The chase for these involved much use of four wheels. It also resulted in bodily damage, and at least one broken rib is directly attributable to a chase after an elusive acacia. Such ailments had no noticeable effect on her work, and even a leg in plaster could do no more than keep her away from classes for a week – she still prepared the lectures for a colleague to give.

The interest in secondary education that had been kindled continued to grow. Later in 1964 Hanna gave an in-service course to teachers in Goulburn (a city about sixty miles from Canberra) on the new emphases in mathematics in the junior secondary school. That year also saw her taking an active part in the discussions on the new syllabuses for the senior forms. It was undoubtedly her work in evaluation of the draft proposals and her energetic work on suggestions for improvements which earned for the Canberra Mathematical Association a reputation for trenchant and constructive criticism. The following year when the syllabuses had been published she gave in-service courses on aspects of them in both Canberra and Goulburn. She visited Armidale and Newcastle in New South Wales and lectured to the Mathematical Associations there. In Armidale she also gave an intensive course to honours students on group representations. In Canberra she continued her support for the new spirit in the junior forms by giving a lecture (for the Canberra Mathematical Association) to parents 'Learning Mathematics and learning Chinese', a title she borrowed from the introduction to a book by W. W. Sawyer. She set out to explain to (an overflow audience of over two hundred) parents the ideas behind the new syllabuses and to enlist their co-operation in making them a success. She believed that the community had to be educated to create a more favourable climate (one in which mathematics is not feared) for the learning of mathematics – especially among girls. At the beginning of 1966 she lectured to the University of New South Wales' Summer School for Mathematics Teachers on Évariste Galois and the theory of equations.

January of 1966 also saw the meeting which finally, after four years of discussion, set up the Australian Association of Mathematics Teachers. Hanna was immediately elected to be one of the foundation Vice-Presidents. In that role she had, in September of that year, to deliver the first presidential address in the absence overseas of the President (Bernhard). In her address 'Education in Semut' she described a semi-utopia in which mathematical education had reached the stage of incorporating all the best features of mathematical education that she had personally observed in various parts of the world. She admitted that no one system had all these features but felt that their existence somewhere made the achievement of the system she described realizable. She also had to chair the lengthy meetings of the first council and succeeded in moulding into a group this collection of individuals from all over Australia many of whom were meeting each other for the first time.

A little later in 1966 Hanna was elected Vice-President of the Canberra Mathematical Association as a prelude to becoming its President for 1967-68. It was during this time that the Canberra Mathematical Association pamphlets for teachers were largely prepared. This is a series of notes intended to provide teachers with background to the new topics in the senior forms which was inspired by some of the misunderstandings which showed up in many of the first text-books written for these syllabuses. Hanna wrote a pamphlet on Probability which is the best-seller in the series. It has been described by one recent text-book author as the best account available anywhere of an introduction to this topic. The pamphlet is used as a text for first year students at La Trobe University. This series of pamphlets spawned the series of Notes in Pure Mathematics published by Bernhard's and Hanna's departments in which her notes on distributions are published.

In 1967 she gave the Canberra Mathematical Association lecture to school pupils on her much favoured topic of 'Braids'. These lectures which had been started early in the life of the Canberra Mathematical Association were at that time being replaced by the Friday evenings of which Hanna was a very active supporter. She often attended and took an active part in the discussions over refreshments. When the ANU-AAMT National Summer School for talented high school students was started in 1969 she was an enthusiastic supporter of it and on two occasions gave lectures on geometry which proved very popular.

In November of 1968 she was invited to give the inaugural address to the Riverina Mathematical Association. Under the title 'Who wants Pure Mathematics?' she illustrated her view that the range of mathematics which is being applied had broadened a lot as have the fields of human endeavour to which it is being applied.

Hanna went on study leave in August 1969. Her first stop was at the First International Congress on Mathematical Education at Lyons. This provoked her into writing a letter (one of a very few) to the editors of several Australian newspapers which it seems appropriate to quote here:

'The proceedings of this congress have confirmed my impression that the development of mathematical education in Australia is lagging behind that of the rest of the world to a frightening extent.'

Typically, while we in Australia are asking whether to teach computer programming in schools, the discussion here takes it for granted that this is done and goes on to consider the question of how the (new!) mathematics programmes have to be changed and re-organised to take account of the impact of computers on the content of mathematics.

It is clear that the great advances in other countries stem from experimentation made possible by the enlightened flexibility of examining bodies and their clientele (for example, employers, universities) and the availability of funds.

Certainly, mathematical education in Australia is changing, but the rate of change has to increase vastly if we want to catch up with the progress made elsewhere.

Because of Hanna's known interest in educational matters she was proposed for membership of the Australian College of Education early in 1968, was elected to Fellowship (FACE) in 1970 and was a member of the ACT Chapter committee in 1971.

Hanna's post as Professor of Pure Mathematics involved her in committee work within the university. On these committees her qualities of commonsense, balance, fairness and impartiality won her respect and her views were listened to. She was asked to take on some of the more demanding administrative tasks but usually felt she could not accept them without putting an unfair load on her young staff. She did, however, accept the position of Dean of Students from January 1968 till August 1969. In this she played an important role in maintaining good relations between the student body and the university authorities. The students appreciated the time and effort that she put into acting on their behalf and, though she could not always agree with their position, she was respected for her integrity and the soundness of her judgement.

The Australian Mathematical Society also made use of Hanna's organizational abilities. She was invited to be the director of the ninth Summer Research Institute held in January 1969. She invited Mac Lane, professor at Chicago, and Gaschütz, professor at Kiel, as main lecturers. This attracted the greatest attendance ever at a Summer Research Institute. Bonuses were visits by Erdös and Hirsch.

In March 1969 her academic excellence was given further recognition by her election to a Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science.

The next stop after Lyons in the year long study leave (taken with Bernhard) was a meeting on Decision Problems in Group Theory held in California. Then they went on to a five-month stay at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, where Hanna was on a National Science Foundation Senior Foreign Scientist Fellowship. Another visitor to Vanderbilt at that time was their eldest son Peter. Hanna gave a course to graduate students on Varieties of Groups. Into this she was able to incorporate a solution to one of the fundamental questions in the theory: the finite basis problem. News of a negative solution of the problem by a young Russian Ol'šanskii (a student of Šmel'kin) reached them early in their stay. A better solution was found by Vaughan-Lee who was then also at Vanderbilt, having just completed a doctorate at Oxford under Peter's supervision. The course was concluded by Vaughan-Lee presenting his solution. However, the highlight of the stay was the solution of the problem on the free product of finitely many finitely-generated Hopf groups. Hanna and Ian Dey had been continuing work on the problem making some progress. Now with Hanna having more time to devote to the problem the final difficulty was overcome. It turned out that such free products are indeed Hopf groups. The solution required almost all the techniques of this area of group theory often in specially sharpened form. This work was indeed a fitting climax to Hanna's research career. However with typical modesty Hanna's report to the university on the leave apologizes for her having only achieved this. During her time in Nashville Hanna was invited to give many lectures in other parts of North America. In spite of declining some invitations she still gave at least fifteen lectures in places as far apart as Atlanta, Houston and Toronto; usually on varieties or the Hopf problem. They then moved on to Cambridge in England where they stayed for the next four months, Hanna as Honorary Bye-Fellow at Girton College and as a Visiting Professor to the University. In the latter capacity she gave a course of lectures on varieties of groups. Here again she gave invited lectures up and down the country including one to the London Mathematical Society. She also managed to visit her (at that time) nine grand-children. This stay was followed by six weeks at the Mathematisches Forschungsinstitut of the University of Freiburg delightfully situated in the Black Forest in Germany. Hence, refreshed, they did a three-week lecture tour of the Indian sub-continent spending the main time in Lahore, Madras and Madurai before returning to Australia in August 1970.

No sooner was Hanna back than she was invited to make a lecture tour of Canada under the Commonwealth Universities Interchange Scheme. This was arranged for the (Canadian) winter of 1971-72. In her department she found that the tightening financial position was making it more difficult to continue to offer the same services to students. This together with some changes in the structure of the university and problems which were becoming more clearly visible with some of the courses convinced her that a major new planning of courses would be needed and she set about initiating it.

During 1971 she was invited to give two talks. First in Adelaide to a joint meeting of the Mathematical Association of South Australia and the Australian Mathematical Society in which she talked on 'Teaching first year undergraduates: fads and fancies', and second at Wodonga Technical High School to a regional meeting of teachers on 'Modern Mathematics – Symbolism and its importance at the secondary and tertiary levels'.

At the end of October Hanna set off on her Canadian lecture tour. She visited in quick succession the University of British Columbia, the University of Calgary, the University of Alberta, the University of Saskatchewan and the University of Manitoba. She arrived at Carleton University, Ottawa, on the 8th November for a somewhat longer stay. On the evening of the 12th she felt ill, admitted herself to hospital and quickly went into a coma. She died on the 14th without regaining consciousness.

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Records of the Australian Academy of Science, vol.3, no.2, 1975. The text of this obituary is reprinted with permission from the Journal of the Australian Mathematical Society 17 (1974), 1-28. The memoir was written by:

• Michael Frederick Newman, PhD, a first cousin once removed of the late Professor Hanna Neumann's husband, Senior Fellow in Mathematics, Australian National University.
• Gordon Elliott Wall, PhD, Professor of Pure Mathematics, University of Sydney; he was elected to the Academy in 1971.

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Hanna's family, friends and colleagues for providing much useful information. They are too many to mention individually, however, we must record our special gratitude to her husband who has been a patient and tireless source of information and has given us access to many private papers.

Written by Ross Street.

• Introduction
• Scientific Contribution
• About this memoir
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
  • Bibliography
  • Publications dedicated

Introduction

Gregory Maxwell (‘Max’) Kelly (1930–2007) was educated at the University of Sydney (BSc 1951 with First Class Honours, University Medal for Mathematics, Barker Prize, and James King of Irrawang Travelling Scholarship) and the University of Cambridge (BA 1953 with First Class Honours and two Wright’s Prizes; Rayleigh Prize, 1955; PhD 1957). He returned to Australia as Lecturer in Pure Mathematics at the University of Sydney in 1957, became Senior Lecturer in 1961 and Reader in 1965. He was appointed Professor of Pure Mathematics first at the University of New South Wales in 1967 then at the University of Sydney in 1973, becoming Professor Emeritus in 1994. He introduced the mathematical discipline of category theory to Australia and continued active and influential research in the subject until the day of his death.

Professor Gregory Maxwell (‘Max’) Kelly was born in the inner Sydney suburb of Annandale on 5 June 1930. His father Owen Kelly was a radio operator on merchant ships plying the Pacific region before he married Rita McCauley who came from a farming family in Nelligen, New South Wales. After their marriage they together bought a business that collapsed during the Depression. Owen became a telegraphist with the Post Office and in his later years had a variety of jobs, the last of which was taxi-driving. Michael, born some seven years later, is Max’s only sibling.

Max received all his schooling at Bondi Beach where he was a student of the Marist Brothers throughout his primary and secondary education. He topped the New South Wales School Leaving Certificate Examination overall. He went on to win in 1951 the University Medal for Mathematics at the University of Sydney and to gain the James King of Irrawang Travelling Scholarship to study at Cambridge. There he obtained a BA with First Class Honours and two Wright’s Prizes in 1953, a Rayleigh Prize in 1955 and his PhD in 1957; the doctorate was in algebraic topology under the principal supervision of Shaun Wylie. Max also spent a term or more at Oxford where M.G. Barrett suggested a problem; Max’s solution became a chapter in his PhD thesis [1]. The thesis consisted of three separate parts published as [2], [3] and [4].

Max returned to the University of Sydney in early 1957 as a Lecturer in Pure Mathematics; he was promoted to Senior Lecturer in 1961 and to Reader in 1965 (Fig. 1). For many years he served the New South Wales Department of Education as Assessor for the Leaving Certificate Examinations in Mathematics.

In November 1960 Max married Imogen Datson whom he met through friends of his brother. Imogen had come to Sydney from Broken Hill where she had taught for some years. She had planned to further her studies at the University of Sydney as an evening student while teaching at Newtown Demonstration School. After a year or so of juggling teaching, study and courtship, she decided to abandon her studies and devote herself to family life. Max and Imogen had four children—none of whom showed any great interest in mathematics—and the family now includes ten grandchildren. It was a source of great pride and delight to Max when, upon retirement from teaching, Imogen resumed her studies, gaining a PhD with a thesis on medieval and early modern English drama (Fig. 2). As Chancellor Santow remarked at the awarding of the degree, ‘You must have very interesting conversations in your household’.

Conversations were indeed lively in the Kelly household. With a seemingly natural flair for languages, Max spoke fluent French and Italian and frequently lectured in one or other of those languages when he travelled overseas. He had an abiding interest in etymology and a great love of literature. Language fascinated him. In his younger days, before debilitating back problems made extreme physical activity difficult, Max was a keen squash and table tennis player. He also enjoyed lunchtime games of Bridge in the Mathematics Department of the University of Sydney.

Max was solely responsible for introducing category theory into Australia at a time when the subject was in its infancy. The 1966 monograph ‘Closed Categories’ by Eilenberg and Kelly [14] set the stage for two more generations of Australian category theorists. This research stream reached maturity with Max’s 1982 book, Basic Concepts of Enriched Category Theory [41], and now finds application in many areas of mathematics, theoretical physics, computer architecture, software design and information management.

Eilenberg and Mac Lane completed the basic definitions of category theory in 1945. Although Max heard these definitions at Cambridge, the power of the subject was impressed upon him in 1962 when he heard some of Mac Lane’s deeper categorical ideas during Michael Atiyah’s lectures at Harvard. Soon Max had himself developed lasting ideas in the area. While visiting Tulane University in 1963–64, he met Eilenberg who insisted that Max remain in the USA for another year. Indeed Eilenberg, in one phone call, arranged a job at the University of Illinois for 1964–65. During the year at Tulane, Max also met Mac Lane, who recognized Max’s ability and arranged a visit to Chicago.

Max was a spontaneous lecturer, often referring to having found inspiration for the content that morning while in the shower or crossing the Sydney Harbour Bridge. Once Max had made a topic his own, he could provide a thorough account of it without notes at the drop of a hat. While teaching fourth-year honours in 1965, he asked the class whether they knew what was meant by the product of a family of sets. A lack of response prompted him to abandon the lecture he had planned. Upon the green board he wrote six forms of the Axiom of Choice (one form involving the non-emptiness of a product), and proceeded to prove the six equivalent. In that one lecture he completed five of the six steps, finishing the job next time. In that last step he used a technical lemma that he must have concocted on the day because I have not seen it anywhere else. I memorized this proof of the equivalence for the final examination; however, the examination question caused me some extra thinking by asking us to prove a different lemma for that last step.

In 1967, Max moved to become Professor at the University of New South Wales (UNSW). After visits to Columbia University from January to May 1968 with Eilenberg, and to the University of Chicago in 1970–71 with Saunders Mac Lane, Max returned to UNSW and arranged a sabbatical there for Peter Freyd from the University of Pennsylvania. During Freyd’s stay Max organized, with the strong support of Bernhard Neumann from the Australian National University, the first conference in Australia on category theory.

Max was elected a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science in 1972 and moved back to the University of Sydney as Professor in 1973. He was a true academic: erudite in the classics, prolific researcher and publisher, editor for several journals, successful department head, traveller, linguist, raconteur and bon-vivant. He supervised five PhD students to completion: I was the first (1969), then Brian Day (1970) , Geoffery Lewis (1974), Robert Blackwell (1976) and Greg Bird (1984). Other supervisions included the MSc of Roger Eyland in 1962 and of Amnon Neeman in 1979.

Max was one of the first mathematicians to attract research funding from the Australian Government through the Australian Research Grants Committee and its successor the Australian Research Council, contributing to recognition of the legitimacy of funding for research fellows, visiting researchers and travel. Another way in which Max broke down the tyranny of distance for Australian category theory was to establish and maintain a Category Mailing List in those email-free days. Preprints and that List were typed using an IBM electric ‘golf-balls’typewriter. The List was photocopied on to address labels.

These initiatives led to an ongoing stream of researchers visiting category theorists in the Sydney area. Indeed, Max was invited to many overseas universities for research visits. His linguistic ability was helpful and much appreciated by his hosts. These visits and collaborations strongly influenced Max’s career and the direction his research followed. Periods spent at other universities were listed in his CV as follows: Massachusetts Institute of Technology (October–November 1962); Tulane University, New Orleans (1963–64); University of Illinois at Urbana (1964–65); Columbia University, New York (January–May 1968); University of Chicago (1970–71) ; McGill University, Montréal (September–December 1976; February–March 1986; June 1991); Université du Québec à Montréal (January–May 1977); Université Catholique de Louvain, Belgium (June 1977; May 1981; June 1983; August 1987; January–February 1993; July 1994; July 1995; May–June 1996; November 1996; May–June 1998); Università degli studi di Trieste, Italy (May 1980; June 1981; July 1983; April–May 1986; July 1990); Fernuniversität Hagen, Germany (June–July 1980; May 1981; February 1997); Athens, Thessalonika, Xanthi, Sofia, Brno, and Prague (May 1983); Aarhus, Denmark (June 1983); Chung-Ang University, Seoul, Korea (August–September 1984); Université de Paris Nord (June 1986); Polish Academy of Science, Warsaw (June 1986); Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada (May–June 1987; July–August 1988; July 1989; August 1990; May–June 1993; July 2006); Università di Milano (July 1987; January–February 1989; July 1991; September–October 1992); University of Sussex (July 1988); University of Fribourg, Switzerland (June 1992); Georgian Academy of Science, Tbilisi (August 1992); Cambridge University, England (November–December 1992); University of Tours, France (July 1994); University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain (September 1995; January 1997); University of Vigo, Spain (September 1995); Universities of Coimbra and of Lisbon, Portugal (January 1998).

All of Max’s ninety or so scientific publications exhibit his obsession for completeness, beauty and accuracy. Michael Makkai (McGill) claims Max as a logician in his passionate insistence on precision and clarity in mathematics and his belief in, and search for, the grand order at the heart of the world. Much of Max’s work could be called higher-order universal algebra.

Max was very aware of how fortunate his life had been, and felt an obligation to give something back to the community. He gave freely of his time to aspiring young mathematicians and to those keen to learn. For example, frustrated by bureaucracies, he enlisted the power of the media and was able to borrow for a blind girl in the Catholic school system a mathematics textbook in Braille that had been gathering dust in a Department of Education office. This commitment to social justice was further evidenced by his involvement with Action for World Development and his efforts to help the Aboriginal community in Red-fern in Sydney. He befriended Father Ted Kennedy, Mum Shirl and others active in these movements. He also questioned the morality of the Vietnam War, making himself quite unpopular with some of the clergy of the day.

Many were moved by the words of encouragement Max offered young category theorists in his speech at the 2006 Category Theory Conference dinner in White Point, Nova Scotia. Max had an active and analytical mind to the very end. He attended the Category Seminar at Macquarie University two weeks before he died, excusing himself the next week because of an appointment. He started learning ancient Greek recently and in his last months was engaged in complex research on coherence theory, which he was typing despite failing eyesight. This research was completed and published by colleagues in Canada and Italy as [92]. The paper includes the remark: ‘G.M. (Max) Kelly died during the preparation of this paper. He was actively working on it on the day of his passing. The other authors express their gratitude for his work here and for so much more that he had shared with us as a friend and a colleague over many years. We regret too that he was unable to provide a proof reading of our final draft’.

A very successful conference was organized by George Janelidze at the University of Cape Town in January 2008 to commemorate the first anniversary of Max’s death. The proceedings will appear as [III]. The volumes of research papers [I] and [II] were also dedicated to Max.

Scientific Contribution

Max Kelly was the first researcher on category theory to be elected to the Australian Academy of Science. It therefore seems appropriate to provide some history of the subject itself.

With papers [a] and [b], top American mathematicians Eilenberg and Mac Lane founded category theory during the period 1942–45. Both became members of the US National Academy of Sciences; in 1973 Mac Lane became Vice-President of that body and President of the American Mathematical Society. More recently, Fields Medalist Vladimir Voevodsky declared [c] that categories were one of the most important ideas of twentieth-century mathematics.

As Max states on the first page of [35], in relation to Mac Lane’s work, ‘Major advances, once made, seem so inevitable that a younger generation, brought up familiar with these ideas, may not realize how great their impact was’. My intention here is to explain Max Kelly’s impact on his chosen field in the context of the times. I shall discuss how he was led to category theory and what his contribution was. In particular, his courage and ingenuity were shown by his leading role in the origins and development of enriched category theory.

Even by 1960 it was still the rare university mathematics course that mentioned the main categorical concepts: category, functor and natural transformation. Certainly, they were not mentioned during 1950–53 at the University of Sydney in the three courses Max studied on homology theory, Pontryagin duality and group representations. It is inconceivable nowadays that a course on any of these topics would not rely on categories.

Algebraic topology was popular at Cambridge so it was not surprising that Max, while commencing his postgraduate studies in 1953, came across the new book [d] by Eilenberg and Steenrod. Max had felt dissatisfied with earlier books but this one took the subject to a new and deeper level, as I shall try to explain.

Algebraic topology is concerned with the construction of invariants for topological spaces; topologically equivalent (homeomorphic) spaces should have the same invariant. The invariants started out as numbers such as Euler characteristic and Betti numbers. It was recognized, and particularly insisted upon by Emmy Noether, that algebraic structures (mainly groups or vector spaces), from which these numbers could be obtained, were the proper invariants to be studied. One such invariant of a space X is its homology: this is a sequence HX of abelian groups H₀X, H₁X, H₂X, ..., also called a graded abelian group. Now I have said ‘one such invariant’, however, the truth is that there were many different constructions of what could justifiably be called homology, and the different constructions applied to different classes of space. Eilenberg and Steenrod wrote a list of properties that a homology construction should satisfy and proved that any two constructions satisfying the properties were essentially the same (isomorphic). So now there were axioms for homology.

The work of Eilenberg and Steenrod could barely have been expressed without some use of the language of category theory. Each class of space appropriate, for each homology construction, formed a category in which all the morphisms between the spaces (continuous functions in this case, not just homeomorphisms) also lived. Each construction was a functor H from a category of spaces to a category of graded abelian groups. The axioms involved natural transformations between functors. So it was from this book that Max learnt the very basic categorical notions.

Yet Max was not totally satisfied with the masterpiece [d]. It actually dealt not with spaces but with pairs of spaces, and axiomatized homology defined on these pairs. Max saw another step to be taken and wrote his first publication [2], which was also one of the three chapters of his PhD thesis [1]. Max established axioms that determined, uniquely up to isomorphism, the homology functor defined on single spaces. Clever topological constructions were involved in doing this and Max’s dexterity with universal techniques appeared at this early stage. The other two chapters of the thesis were published as [3] and [4].

Max had learnt some homological algebra from a short course at Cambridge taught by Davis Rees and from the book [f] by Car-tan and Eilenberg. This book uses only the basic elements of category theory yet it is clearly written in the spirit of the subject.

The review of [f] by Hochschild, which deserves quoting at length, articulates this spirit. It begins:

The title “Homological Algebra” is intended to designate a part of pure algebra which is the result of making algebraic homology theory independent of its original habitat in topology and building it up to a general theory of modules over associative rings. The particular formal aspect of this theory stemming from algebraic topology is that of a preoccupation with endomorphisms of square 0 in graded modules [that is, with chain complexes]. The conceptual flavor of homological algebra derives less specifically from topology than from the general ‘naturalistic’ trend of mathematics as a whole to supplement the study of the anatomy of any mathematical entity with an analysis of its behavior under the maps belonging to the larger mathematical system with which it is associated. In particular, homological algebra is concerned not so much with the intrinsic structure of modules but primarily with the pattern of compositions of homomorphisms between modules and their interplay with the various constructions by which new modules may be obtained from given ones.

The review concludes:

The appendix by D.A. Buchsbaum proposes an abstract framework of “exact categories” that is capable of accommodating the functor theory of this book as well as additional structural elements that one may wish to introduce. The proposed theory includes an abstract notion of duality which makes it unnecessary, at least in principle, to give separate treatments for covariance and contravariance and for projectivity and injectivity.

The appearance of this book must mean that the experimental phase of homological algebra is now surpassed. The diverse original homological constructions in various algebraic systems which were frequently of an ad hoc and artificial nature have been absorbed in a general theory whose significance goes far beyond its sources. The basic principles of homological algebra, and in particular the full functorial control over the manipulation of tensor products and modules of operator homomorphisms, will undoubtedly become standard algebraic technique already on the elementary level.

It is probably with such expectations that the authors have put so much missionary zeal into the systematization of their approach and the cataloguing of the basic results.

Note the central role ascribed to chain complexes since, as we shall see, these proved very important to Max. The idea of duality featured in the appendix and the importance of considering all ‘maps’ or morphisms amongst structures of the same kind are at the heart of category theory.

Max reminisced in [91] that it was late 1962, during lectures by Michael Atiyah at Harvard, that he first heard Mac Lane’s universal notion of product in a category. This idea was the beginning of a deeper theory, beyond merely a natural language.

Still interested in homology, contributing [5] and [10] to the subject, Max gave lectures at the University of Sydney in the early 1960s using, inter alia, the book [e] of Hilton and Wylie. He came to know the book well, and found a mistake in that first edition concerning the cohomology of a product of two spaces with coefficients in a general commutative ring. He adapted a result in another part of the book to provide a counter-example for the ring of integers. However this mistake in [e] was responsible for the rise of category theory in Australia (see the first paragraph of [91]).

The questions Max began to ask, arising from trying to understand the cohomology of a product, could not even be posed without categorical concepts. The chain complexes mentioned in the quote above from Hochschild were paramount. In particular, Max asked what it really meant for the homology functor to be a complete invariant for chain complexes. This led to publications [6], [7] and [8], which developed a considerable amount of category theory in its own right before turning to the new results in homological algebra. Ordinary mathematical structures are deemed ‘the same’ when they are isomorphic; categories are mathematical structures and isomorphism makes sense for them. However, there is a weaker notion, equivalence of categories, which is fundamental and which Max analysed thoroughly, introducing the idea much later to be called anafunctor by Makkai in [h]. He captured what it was for a functor to provide a complete system of invariants for objects of the domain category; he called these functors complete ([7], [8]). He implicitly recognized in [6] that additive categories were ‘rings with several objects’ by generalizing such notions as ideal and Jacobson radical to additive categories.

The germ of Max’s research on enriched category theory can be found in [8] with his concept of complex category. Most of category theory to that date had concentrated on additive categories. In a category, the morphisms from one object to another form a set, called a hom set. In an additive category, morphisms in each hom set can be added, forming an abelian group. A complex category does not merely ask for extra operations on the hom sets, rather, that each hom set should be replaced by a chain complex; that is, a complex category has its homs enriched in the category of chain complexes.

While on sabbatical at Tulane University, at the end of 1963, Max met Eilenberg who was lecturing at Las Cruces, New Mexico, on differential graded categories which he had invented with John C. Moore. Since these turned out to be the same as ‘complex categories’, Eilenberg immediately arranged a job for Max in Illinois for the next academic year. Soon after, Max met Mac Lane in Miami at an American Mathematical Society meeting where Max spoke on his paper [5]. Within a few weeks personal connections had been established that would direct Max’s research towards enriched category theory and ‘coherence’.

One reason that chain complexes form a suitable category on which to base hom enrichment is that there is an operation of tensor product of chain complexes which produces a new chain complex from two given ones. Mac Lane had studied general categories with tensor product. To match reality, such tensor products should not be associative nor commutative up to equality but only up to specific natural isomorphisms. It turns out it is desirable for these isomorphisms to satisfy infinitely many conditions. However, in [i], Mac Lane proved that this infinite class of conditions follows from finitely many conditions. Such results are called coherence theorems. On learning about this, Max was able in [9] to reduce Mac Lane’s finite list to two conditions for the associativity isomorphism and two more for the commutativity isomorphism.

Bénabou [j] also had been working on categories with tensor products and both Linton [k] and Bénabou [l] had ideas about enriching homs in suitable base categories. Max’s contribution [11] spurred Eilenberg into suggesting that they work together on the subject. Their first joint paper [13] was ground-breaking in many ways. They fundamentally extended category theory’s motivating concept of natural transformation and produced a calculus of substitution and composition for it. I have regretted that the paper did not include the diagrams that Max used to draw when speaking on the subject: these diagrams involved string-like linkages that are now understood as part of a bigger theory.

The first major conference on category theory was held at La Jolla, California, in June 1965. Eilenberg and Kelly reported on [14] and completed the 142-page document soon afterwards—involving many long letters between Sydney and New York. The paper developed the theory of two kinds of base categories for hom enrichment: closed categories and monoidal categories. The latter were categories with tensor product as previously mentioned. The former were categories with homs enriched in themselves; for this Linton [k] used the word ‘autonomous’. Most good examples were both closed and monoidal with the tensor and hom related by ‘adjunction’.

After [14], the structures for enriched category theory were established: enriched categories, enriched functors and enriched natural transformations.

Another more subtle contribution made by [14] was the use of Ehresmann’s 2-categories [m] to express their results: an example of what is now called ‘higher category theory’at work.Justas Max had found it necessary to use the language of category theory to express his ideas on homology, he now found the language of higher categories necessary to encapsulate his work on categorical structures. Ironically, the authors pointed out that these 2-categories were categories with homs enriched in the category of categories.

Now enriched category theory had its defining concepts. It needed Max’s courage and conviction to extend ordinary category theory to the enriched context. He did this beyond all expectations in papers such as [16], [17] and [32], culminating in his by-now classic book [41] (electronically available as [90]).

Some of the enrichment process was routine but a large part required insight that involved a re-thinking of ordinary category theory. In particular, the notion of conical limit, which sufficed for ordinary categories, needed supplementation in the enriched setting. Technically, Max realized that powers, also called cotensors, should be distinguished as limits and he introduced the concept of end. His book [41] culminates in a definitive theory for universally adjoining allocated limits to an enriched category.

Soon after writing his book he was able in [42] and [43] to enrich the whole subject of finite-limit theories which was developed by Ehresmann [n] and Gabriel and Ulmer [o] for ordinary categories. In my opinion, this was a great achievement. It is a case where a less courageous soul would be misled by the ordinary case. A cornerstone of the topic is the fact that a left Kan extension of a left exact functor should be left exact. It was known to be true when the target category was a topos. For enrichment one might expect to require a topos as the base monoidal category. However, surprisingly, Max proved it for a general locally finitely presentable base.

Haunting Max was the dream to eliminate the large diagrams required in full proofs of theorems about monoidal and enriched categories. Such diagrams occurred in the La Jolla article [14] (see Fig. 3). The hope was to prove coherence theorems rendering the diagrams redundant. While Mac Lane was in Australia, he and Max were inspired by Lambek’s ideas in [p] to prove coherence theorems using Gentzen’s work in logic. This resulted in a major coherence theorem for symmetric closed monoidal categories published as [20]. Max, often jointly, proved other delicate specific coherence theorems: for example, [23], [27], [31] and [38].

Yet Max had more far-reaching ideas. He wanted more than individual coherence theorems: he wanted a whole theory of coherence. What are coherence theorems? In Chicago in 1970–71, he began a universal approach to the question, inventing the notion of club. At the same time and place, Max actively attended lectures by Peter May on what he came to call operads, published as [q]. Max saw a close connection between what he was trying to do with categories and what May was trying to do with topological spaces up to homotopy. Max produced a preprint. At the time, Mac Lane asked Max to expand more on the connection between clubs and operads; unusually for Max, he let that job slide and the work was not published. Under pressure of renewed interest in operads in category theory, the preprint was recently published as [86]. The paper was a barely noticed root for several major branches along which category theorists were to climb, such as Joyal’s theory of combinatorial species [r], classifying toposes [s] and Batanin’s higher operads [t].

The work on clubs appeared in [24], [25], [26], [29] and [30]. Max realized that a coherence theorem for a categorical structure was an assertion about free structures of that type. His clubs had the simplifying property that the free structure generated by a single object, appropriately augmented, determined all the free structures. This idea has proved paramount in work on higher category theory; see [u]. Such ideas surfaced later to do with the easier ordinary algebraic structures on sets. Max was invited to speak and write on the topic and produced [65] since it is of considerable relevance to computer science.

The importance of the cross-fertilization between homotopy theory and category theory is now well recognized. Yet it was a theme through Max’s work from the earliest times. Because of the analogy, he always insisted on using the homotopy symbol for categorical equivalence. Several techniques that he introduced into 2-dimensional universal algebra have their analogues in homotopy theory. No doubt the successful collaboration between Stephen Lack and Max [66], [67], [74], [77], [82], [85] gave Lack the grounding for his part in making these analogies mathematically precise [v].

Max collaborated extensively—with his students, with postdoctoral fellows, and with international colleagues. It is through these collaborations that some of Max’s basic and lasting contributions to category theory, ordinary and enriched, are permanently recorded. His papers [15], [22], [49] and [71] on factorization systems are a good example: he took a notion that had appeared in a rather exploratory way in work of Mac Lane and Isbell, completely pinned it down, and then used the concept creatively to solve problems. Those who collaborated with Max emerged with a deepened passion for precision, beauty and completeness in their research.

In short, category theory was the subject that matched Max’s approach to mathematics. Happily, it was there at the time he needed it. He collaborated with the founders and other key mathematicians, leaving an influential and stylish volume of work to motivate future mathematicians. The differential graded categories that he independently discovered are still a hot topic: for a sample of the developments since Max’s work the reader can look at Bon-dal and Kapranov [w], Drinfeld [x], Keller [y], [z] and [aa], Tabuada [ab] and [ac], Toen [ad], [ae] and [af] and Toen and Vaquie [ag]. There is also a survey in Keller’s invited address at the 2006 World Congress of Mathematicians; see [ah]. I am convinced that Max’s leading contributions to ordinary category theory, enriched category theory and higher universal algebra will stay at the heart of fundamental mathematics.

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.21, no.2, 2010. It was written by Ross Street, Department of Mathematics, Faculty of Science, Macquarie University, NSW 2109, Australia. Email: ross.street@mq.edu.au

Letters in square brackets refer to the references, numbers in square brackets refer to the bibliography.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Imogen Kelly for her invaluable help with this and earlier biographical accounts. Steve Lack, George Janelidze, Margery Street and Richard Wood have provided thoughtful suggestions for improvements to earlier drafts, as have the two referees to the submitted version. I have only slightly adapted the words suggested.

References

1. Samuel Eilenberg and Saunders Mac Lane, Natural isomorphisms in group theory, Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci. U. S. A. 28 (1942) 537–543.
2. Samuel Eilenberg and Saunders Mac Lane, General theory of natural equivalences, Trans. Amer. Math. Soc. 58 (1945) 231–294.
3. Vladimir Voevodsky, An Intuitive Introduction to Motivic Homotopy Theory, Clay Mathematics Videos (Mathematical Sciences Research Institute, Berkeley, 2002; available at http://claymath.msri.org/voevodsky2002.mov).
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9. Saunders Mac Lane, Natural associativity and commutativity, Rice Univ. Studies 49 (1963) 28–46.
10. Jean Bénabou, Catégories avec multiplication, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris 256 (1963) 1887–1890.
11. Fred E. J. Linton, Autonomous categories and duality of functors, J. Algebra 2 (1965) 315–349.
12. Jean Bénabou, Catégories relatives, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris 260 (1965) 3824–3827.
13. Charles Ehresmann, Catégories structurées, Ann. Sci. École Norm. Sup. 89 (1963) 349–425.
14. Charles Ehresmann, Esquisses et types desstructures algébriques, Bul. Inst. Politehn. Ia¸si (N. S. ) 14 (18) (1968) 1–14.
15. Peter Gabriel and Friedrich Ulmer, Lokalpräsentierbare Kategorien, Lecture Notes in Math. 221 (Springer-Verlag, Berlin-New York, 1971) v+200 pp.
16. Joachim Lambek, Deductive systems and categories. II. Standard constructions and closed categories, Category Theory, Homology Theory and their Applications, I (Springer, Berlin, 1969) 76–122.
17. J. Peter May, The geometry of iterated loop spaces, Lectures Notes in Math. 271 (Springer-Verlag, Berlin-New York, 1972) viii+175 pp.
18. André Joyal, Une théorie combinatoire desséries formelles. Adv. Math. 42 (1981) 1–82.
19. Gavin C. Wraith, Lectures on elementary topoi. In: “Model theory and topoi (Conf., Bangor, 1973)”, Lecture Notes in Math. 445 (Springer, Berlin, 1975) 114–206.
20. Michael A. Batanin, Monoidal globular categories as a natural environment for the theory of weak n-categories, Adv. Math. 136 (1998) 39–103.
21. Mark Weber, Generic morphisms, parametric representations and weakly Cartesian monads, Theory Appl. Categ. 13 (2004) 191–234.
22. Stephen Lack, Homotopy-theoretic aspects of2-monads, J. Homotopy Relat. Struct. 2 (2007) 229–260.
23. Alexey Bondal and Mikhail Kapranov, Enhanced triangulated categories (Russian), Mat. Sb. 181 (1990) 669–683; English translation in Math USSR-Sb 70 (1991) 93–107.
24. Vladimir Drinfeld, DG quotients of DG categories, J. Algebra 272 (2004) 643–691.
25. BernhardKeller, DerivingDGcategories, Ann. Sci. Ecole Norm. Sup. 4 (1994) 63–102.
26. Bernhard Keller, Invariance and localization for cyclic homology of DG algebras, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 123 (1998) 223–273.
27. Bernhard Keller, On the cyclic homology of exact categories, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 136 (1999) 1–56.
28. Goncalo Tabuada, Une structure de catégoriede modèles de Quillen sur la catégorie des dgcatégories, C. R. Math. Acad. Sci. Paris 340 (2005) 15–19.
29. Goncalo Tabuada, Invariants additifs de DGcatégories, Int. Math. Res. Not. 53 (2005) 3309–3339.
30. Bertrand Toen, Derived Hall algebras, Duke. Math. J. 135 (2006) 587–615.
31. Bertrand Toen, The homotopy theory of DGcategoriesand derived Morita theory, Invent. Math. 167 (2007) 615–667.
32. Bertrand Toen, Higher and derived stacks: a global overview, Proc. Sympos. Pure Math. 80 (2009) 435–487.
33. Bertrand Toen and Michel Vaquie, Moduli of objects in DG-categories, Ann. Sci. Ecole Norm. Sup. 40 (2007) 387–444.
34. Bernhard Keller, On differential graded categories, International Congress of Mathematicians2 (Eur. Math. Soc. , Zürich, 2006) 151–190.

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9. On the Mac Lane’s conditions for coherence of natural associativities, commutativities, etc. , J. Algebra 1 (1964) 397–402.
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12. Chain maps inducing zero homology maps, Proc. Cambridge Phil. Soc. 61 (1965), 847–854.
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14. (with S. Eilenberg) Closed categories, in Proc. Conference on Categorical Algebra (La Jolla, 1965) (Springer-Verlag, Berlin-Heidelberg-New York, 1966) 421–562. Gregory Maxwell Kelly 1930–2007 249
15. Monomorphisms, epimorphisms, and pullbacks, J. Austral. Math. Soc. 9 (1969) 124–142.
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17. (with B. J. Day) Enriched functor categories, Lecture Notes in Math. 106 (Springer-Verlag, 1969) 178–191.
18. (with B. J. Day) On topological quotient maps preserved by pullbacks or products, Proc. Cambridge Phil. Soc. 67 (1970) 553–558.
19. (with S. E. Dickson) Interlacing methods andlarge indecomposables, Bull. Austral. Math. Soc. 3 (1970) 337–348.
20. (with S. Mac Lane) Coherence in closed categories, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 1 (1971) 97–140;Erratum Ibid. 1 (1971) 219.
21. An Introduction to Algebra and Vector Geometry (Reed Education, Sydney, 1972).
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26. A cut-elimination theorem, Lecture Notes in Math. 281 (Springer-Verlag, 1972) 196–213.
27. Cohérence pour les catégories à distributivité, Cahiers de topologie et géométrie différentielle 14 (1973) 36–37.
28. (with R. Street) Review of the elements of2-categories, Lecture Notes in Math. 420 (Springer-Verlag, 1974) 75–103.
29. On clubs and doctrines, Lecture Notes in Math. 420 (Springer-Verlag, 1974) 181–256.
30. Doctrinal adjunction, Lecture Notes in Math. 420 (Springer-Verlag, 1974) 257–280.
31. Coherence theorems for lax algebras and for distributive laws, Lecture Notes in Math. 420 (Springer-Verlag, 1974) 281–375.
32. (with F. Borceux) A notion of limit for enriched categories, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 12 (1975) 49–72.
33. Quelques observations sur les demonstrations par récurrence transfinie en algébre catégorique, Cahiers de topologie et géométrie différentielle 16 (1975) 259–263.
34. (with A. Pultr) On algebraic recognition of direct-product decompositions, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 12 (1978) 207–224.
35. Saunders Mac Lane and category theory, in Saunders Mac Lane, Selected Papers (Springer-Verlag, New York, Heidelberg, Berlin, 1979) 527–543.
36. (with F. Foltz and C. Lair) Algebraic categories with few monoidal biclosed structures or none, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 17 (1980) 171–177.
37. Examples of non-monadic structures on categories, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 18 (1980) 59–66.
38. (with M. L. Laplaza) Coherence for compact closed categories, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 19 (1980) 193–213.
39. A unified treatment of transfinite construction for free algebras, free monoids, colimits, associated sheaves, and so on, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 22 (1980) 1–83.
40. (with V. Koubek) The large limits that all good categories admit, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 22 (1981) 253–263.
41. Basic Concepts of Enriched Category Theory (London Math. Soc. Lecture Notes Series 64, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1982).
42. Structures defined by finite limits in the enriched context I, Cahiers de topologie etgéométrie différentielle 23 (1982) 3–42.
43. On the essentially-algebraic theory generated by a sketch, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 26 (1982) 45–56.
44. Two addenda to the author’s transfinite constructions article, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 26 (1982) 221–237.
45. (with S. Kasangian and F. Rossi) Cofibrations and the realization of nondeterministic automata, Cahiers de topologie et géométrie différentielle 24 (1983) 23–46.
46. (with E. J. Dubuc) A presentation of topoias algebraic relative to categories or graphs, J. Algebra 81 (1983) 420–433.
47. A note on the generalized reflexion of Guitart and Lair, Cahiers de topologie et géométrie différentielle 24 (1983) 155–159.
48. (with F. Rossi) Topological categories with many symmetric monoidal closed structures, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 31 (1985) 41–59.
49. (with C. Cassidy and M. Hébert) Reflective subcategories, localizations and factorization systems, J. Austral. Math. Soc. 38 (Series A) (1985) 287–329; Corrigenda Ibid. 41 (1986) 286.
50. (with G. B. Im) On classes of morphisms closed under limits, J. Korean Math. Soc. 23 (1986) 1–18.
51. (with G. B. Im) Some remarks on conservative functors with left adjoints, J. Korean Math. Soc. 23 (1986) 19–33. 250 Historical Records of Australian Science, Volume 21 Number 2
52. A survey of totality for ordinary and enriched categories, Cahiers de topologie et géométrie différentielle catégoriques 27 (1986) 109–132.
53. (with G. B. Im) A universal property of the convolution monoidal structure, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 43 (1986) 75–88.
54. (with F. Borceux) On locales of localizations, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 46 (1987) 1–34.
55. (with G. B. Im) Adjoint-triangle theorems for conservative functors, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 36 (1987) 133–136.
56. On the ordered set of reflective subcategories, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 36 (1987) 137–152.
57. (with M. H. Albert) The closure of a class of colimits, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 51 (1988) 1–17.
58. (with R. Paré) Anote on the Albert-Kelly paper “The closure of a class of colimits”, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 51 (1988) 19–25.
59. Elementary observations on 2-categoricallimits, Bulletin Austral. Math. Soc. 39 (1989) 301–317.
60. (with R. Blackwell and A. J. Power) Two dimensional monad theory, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 59 (1989) 1–41.
61. (with F. W. Lawvere) On the complete lattice of essential localizations, Bull. Soc. Math. Belgique 41 (1989) 289–319.
62. (with G. J. Bird, A. J. Power and R. H. Street) Flexible limits for 2-categories, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 61 (1989) 1–27.
63. (with A. Carboni and R. J. Wood) A 2-categorical approach to change of base and geometric morphisms I, Cahiers de topologieet géométrie différentielle catégoriques 32 (1991) 47–95.
64. A note on relations relative to a factorization system, Lecture Notes in Math. 1448 (Springer-Verlag, 1991) 249–261.
65. On clubs and data-type constructors, in Applications of Categories to Computer Science (Proc. LMS Symposium, Durham 1991) (Cambridge Univ. Press 1992) 163–190.
66. (with S. Lack) Finite-product-preserving functors, Kan extensions, and strongly-finitary2-monads, Applied Categorical Structures 1 (1993) 85–94.
67. (with S. Lack and R. F. C. Walters) Coinverters and categories of fractions for categories with structure, Applied Categorical Structures1 (1993) 95–102.
68. (with A. J. Power) Adjunctions whose counitsare coequalizers and presentations of finitary enriched monads, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 89 (1993) 163–179.
69. (with A. Carboni and M. C. Pedicchio) Some remarks on Maltsev and Goursat categories, Applied Categorical Structures 1 (1993) 385–421.
70. (with G. Janelidze) Galois theory and a general notion of central extension, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 97 (1994) 135–161.
71. (with A. Carboni, G. Janelidze and R. Paré) On localization and stabilization for factorization systems, Applied Categorical Structures 5 (1997) 1–58.
72. (with G. Janelidze) The reflectiveness of covering morphisms in algebra and geometry, Theory and Applications of Categories 3 (1997) 132–159.
73. (with I. Le Creurer) On the monadicity overgraphs of categories with limits, Cahiersde topologie et géométrie différentielle catégoriques38 (1997) 179–191.
74. (with S. Lack) On property-like structures, Theory and Applications of Categories 3 (1997) 213–250.
75. (with A. Carboni, D. Verity and R. J. Wood) A2-categorical approach to change of base and geometric morphisms II, Theory and Applications of Categories 4 (1998) 82–136.
76. (with S. Kasangian and V. Vighi) A bicategorical approach to information flow and security, in Categorical Studies in Italy, Rendiconti del Circolo Matematico di Palermo 64 (2000) 99–122.
77. (with S. Lack) On the monadicity of categories with chosen colimits, Theory and Applications of Categories 7 (2000) 148–170.
78. (with J. Adámek) M-completeness is seldom monadic over graphs, Theory and Applications of Categories 7 (2000) 171–205.
79. (with G. Janelidze) Central extensions in Malt’sev varieties, Theory and Applications of Categories 7 (2000) 219–226.
80. (with E. Faro) On the canonical algebraic structure of a category, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 154 (2000) 159–176.
81. (with G. Janelidze) Central extensions in universal algebra: a unification of three notions, Algebra Universalis 44 (2000) 123–128.
82. (with S. Lack) V-Cat is locally presentable or locally bounded when V is so, Theory and Applications of Categories 8 (2001) 555–575.
83. (with G. Janelidze) A note on actions of amonoidal category, Theory and Applications of Categories 9 (2001) 61–91.
84. (with A. Labella, R. Street and V. Schmitt) Categories enriched on both sides, J. Pure Appl. Algebra 168 (2002) 53–98.
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87. (with V. Schmitt) Notes on enriched categories with colimits of some class, Theory and Applications of Categories 14 (2005) 399–423.
88. (with F. Borceux and G. Janelidze) On the representability of actions in a semi-abelian category, Theory and Applications of Categories14 (2005) 244–286.
89. (with F. Borceux and G. Janelidze) Internal object actions, Commentationes Mathematicae Universitatis Carolinae 46 (2005) 235–255.
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Publications dedicated

1. Aurelio Carboni, George Janelidze and Ross Street (Editors), Special Volume celebrating the 70th birthday of Professor Max Kelly, Journal of Pure and Applied Algebra 175 (1–3) (8 November 2002).
2. John C. Baez and J. Peter May (Editors), Towards Higher Categories, Dedicated to Max Kelly (The IMA Volumes in Mathematics and its Applications; Springer, 2010).
3. Martin Hyland, George Janelidze, Michael Johnson, Peter Johnstone, Stephen Lack, Ross Street, Walter Tholen and Richard Wood (Editors), Special Volume in Memory of Max Kelly, Applied Categorical Structures (to appear).

Graeme Reade Anthony Ellis (universally known as ‘Bill') was a pioneer in the area of low-frequency radio observations. By exploiting Hobart's geomagnetic latitude and the lack of background radio noise there, he was able to make major discoveries at these low frequencies (principally in the frequency range 1–10 MHz).

Among the questions he pursued were the propagation/dispersion/reflection of radio waves in the ionosphere and the detection of radio emissions from the Sun, the galactic disk and Jupiter. He built innovative radio receivers and de-dispersers to gain information about the radio sources, for example about the Sun via aurorae and about the influence of Io on the Jovian emissions. 

It is thanks to Ellis' practical research investigations and clever experimental methods that radio astronomy at the University of Tasmania is today firmly established and internationally recognised.

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About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol. 24(1), 2013. It was written by Robert Delbourgo and Peter M. McCulloch.

Written by C.H. Tyndale-Biscoe.

• Formative years
• Early days in Wanganui and Palmerston North
• University and early research career
• University of Canterbury and New Zealand Forest Service
• Consultant wildlife biologist
• School of Biological Sciences, University of Sydney
• CSIRO Division of Wildlife Research
• New Zealand interests
• National and international consultancies
• Conservation biology
• Honours
• About this memoir
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • Bibliography

Graeme Caughley studied the interactions between large mammalian herbivores and the environments they occupy. The pattern of population growth that can be predicted theoretically from such a relationship is both complex and variable. The animals will either erupt, crash, and then converge to a more stable density, or the population may oscillate indefinitely, the densities of plants and animals being locked into a stable limit cycle. He argued that the dynamics of mammalian herbivore populations are comprehensible only in terms of an interactive relationship between the herbivores and vegetation. He further argued that efficient management of such systems requires an understanding of the underlying mechanisms whereby the animals react to the plants and in turn the plants react dynamically to the effects of grazing.

He was best known for his contributions to the understanding of herbivore-vegetation dynamics in the New Zealand high country, the Himalayas, southern Africa and the semi-arid rangelands of Australia. His research was distinguished by rigorous design, execution and analysis, so that the conclusions had generality beyond the particular species studied. Since he chose topics that combined theoretical interest and practical application, he also influenced important management policies – deer populations in New Zealand, kangaroos in Australia and the conservation of large mammals in Africa and North America. He had, and continues to have, a major influence on thinking and practice in the field of vertebrate ecology and wildlife management throughout the world.

Formative years

Graeme Caughley was born on 28 September 1937 at Wanganui, New Zealand, into an educated, professional family. He was the second of three children, and the only son, of John Norman Caughley and Thelma Caughley (née Keltie). His father was a Branch Manager of the Bank of New Zealand, in Wanganui until 1945, then in Palmerston North until 1955 and then at Eltham. He was also a good mathematician. His mother encouraged Graeme's curiosity and his father took him off on expeditions.

His paternal grandfather, James Caughley, migrated from Ireland at the turn of the century and was Headmaster of Takapau Primary School, Hawkes Bay from 1903 to 1936.¹ He enjoyed children, loved teaching and had a wicked sense of humour, so that he had the ability to get fun out of the children, not to laugh at them but with them. As a boy Graeme knew his grandfather well and may have got his own dry sense of humour from him. Graeme's father was the eldest of four. The second son, James, was a psychologist with the British Army during the Second World War, and subsequently became Chief Psychologist in the Justice Department, Wellington. Graeme saw a lot of him while at university; they had dinner once a week and he was a mentor to Graeme. One of Graeme's two aunts, Nancy Caughley, taught Speech Therapy at the Christchurch Training College and was later a lecturer at the University of Tasmania, Hobart.

On his mother's side his grandfather, Hugh Keltie, was a watchmaker from Tasmania. He settled at Greytown in the Wairarapa, where he eventually had three shops. Graeme's grandmother died young and his mother was brought up by a stepmother, whom she did not like, so Graeme had little contact with his grandfather as he grew up.

He was not particularly close to his older sister, Jocelyn Ruth (Latta), born in 1932; but, despite the age difference of six years, he developed a close bond with his younger sister, Patricia Mary, born in 1943. He was her role model and encouraged her to go to university, where she did Honours in Political Science and a postgraduate diploma in international relations at the Hague. He said to her that the trouble with university was that it measured how well you knew the answers, but not how to ask the questions. Pat worked at the Commonwealth Secretariat in London, and later joined the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 22 years. She was posted to India in 1974–77 and visited Graeme in Nepal. In one of his early papers (8) Graeme acknowledged Pat's help. They remained close throughout their lives.

Early days in Wanganui and Palmerston North

Graeme attended Drury Hill Primary School in Wanganui until the family moved to Palmerston North in 1945, when he went to Terrace End Primary and Intermediate School. At the age of eight he was collecting moths and butterflies and catching birds. And thinking about the meaning of fossil shells found high above the sea. In The Deer Wars (89) he describes his nascent scientific curiosity:

He had not heard of fossils and he was not happy with enigmas. He stood on solid ground, high up, far from the sea, holding a sea shell in his hands and trying to reconcile those things. The commonplace explanations would not fit and he abandoned them shortly to explore alternatives at first peculiar and then bizarre. Finally he isolated from the rest the only one that satisfied all the data: the sea once covered this hill. Excited, he picked his way down to the flat and ran across the paddocks to the house. His grandfather was a kindly man but he would not humour even a child to that extent. 'Nonsense,' he said firmly and then laughed to signal that he was not annoyed, that it was only a small thing. He did not forget that shell and he was surprised to discover a few years later that he had been right, not quite in the way he had envisaged, but near enough.

While not exceptional in class, Graeme had an unusual breadth of knowledge. At the age of 12, when at Palmerston North Boys High School, he challenged Crosbie Morrison, then a well-known radio broadcaster on natural history, on a question of classification of moths. Graeme thought Morrison was incorrect and, with his best friend, Martin Hyde, did a year's study on the matter and was able to refute him. Later, in about 1953, he was in the New Zealand national team for 'Quiz Kids' with Jonathan Hunt.

On leaving school Graeme joined the Department of Internal Affairs in February 1955 as a government hunter, based at Rotorua, shooting deer, pigs and goats. This year was a formative experience, which he describes in detail in The Deer Wars. In Rotorua he met Thane Riney, an American ecologist who had recently come to New Zealand to work on deer and goats for the New Zealand Forest Service. Riney gave a talk on his work and after it Graeme said to John Henderson, President of the Deer Stalkers' Association, 'do you mean that people can earn a living doing this sort of thing?' Graeme became a disciple of Riney's and two years later joined him as a field assistant, publishing with him on the home range of feral goats (2).

University and early research career

Graeme enrolled for a BSc at Victoria University College, Wellington, in 1956, where he had to support himself financially. In his first year he had free lodging at the Miramar Fire Station in exchange for being on call as a volunteer fireman living on the premises. Of this time he told an amusing episode against himself (Ian Parker in 143). Overwhelmed by urgency and excitement at his first fire, he charged into the burning house and amidst blinding, eye-watering smoke and flames found a person to rescue. That this man fought him off violently he put down to panic. After an epic struggle he got his victim across his shoulders in the approved fireman's lift and made for the exit. Bystanders were delighted when the diminutive Caughley shot out of the smoke with another fireman twice his size on his back. There is no record of any particular lecturers influencing his thinking and the only comment on his experience at university is that he was marked down for using regression analysis on results from a physiology project. He joined Riney in the New Zealand Forest Service in 1956 and continued his degree studies part-time, completing his degree at the end of 1959.

During the summer of 1958–59 Graeme went to Antarctica as a biologist with the New Zealand Antarctic Division, based at Scott Base. He worked on the Adelie penguin colonies around Ross I. and Beaufort I. and the Emperor penguin colony at Cape Crozier, publishing substantial papers on both species (6, 4), as well as notes on skuas (5) and seals (7). These early papers, written at the age of 22, already demonstrated some of the characteristics of his later investigations – questioning strongly-held beliefs, checking original sources and demonstrating a thorough knowledge of natural history. He revised down the estimates of mortality of Emperor penguin chicks at the Cape Crozier colony (4) from those of Edward Wilson, and he also questioned Wilson's assumption that chicks float out to sea on pack ice before they have shed their down, an idea that had been repeated many times and accepted as fact. He acknowledged the help of Dr Robert Falla, Director of the Dominion Museum, in the preparation of the penguin papers. Caughley Beach at Cape Bird, Ross Island was named after Graeme. It has been recognised as a Site of Special Interest by the International Committee on Antarctic Research and, like others, it was proclaimed under Australian legislation, the Antarctic Treaty (Environment Protection Act) 1980.² There is a brief description of Caughley Beach in the Australian Gazette of 29November 1993, which states that it 'is the site of the most extensive stands of moss, algae and lichens in southern Victoria Land. The terrestrial ecosystem within the Site is the subject of long-term research.'

Graeme's BSc degree from the University of New Zealand (of which Victoria University College was at that time a part) was conferred in May 1960 by which time he had moved to the School of Biological Sciences in the University of Sydney to undertake research for the MSc under the supervision of Charles Birch and Harry Frith, Chief of the CSIRO Division of Wildlife Research. His topic was the comparative ecology of Red and Eastern Gray Kangaroos (Macropus rufus and M. giganteus) on the CSIRO sheep station, 'Gilruth Plains', near Charleville. The MSc was conferred in April 1963 and from it Graeme published papers on the social organization and daily activity (11), density and dispersion of the two species (12), and on sex ratios (13). These were the first papers to be published on social organization and activity of any species of kangaroo.

University of Canterbury and New Zealand Forest Service

At the end of 1962 Graeme returned to the New Zealand Forest Service to begin a study on the population dynamics of alpine mammals, particularly the Himalayan Tahr (Hemitragus jemlahicus). [Note the correct spelling is tahr, but in New Zealand it is spelt thar]. The study developed out of work that Thane Riney had done in California on the eruption and spread of ungulate populations. Tahr had been liberated in the Mount Cook area of South Island in 1904–09 and Graeme chose the spread of Tahr in New Zealand as a good species with which to test Riney's ideas. In 1965 this work became the basis for his PhD from the University of Canterbury, awarded in 1967. His supervisors for this were Bernard Stonehouse and Euan Young but, as Young said,³ 'Not that anyone actually supervised this work. His understanding of population processes even then was much superior to ours.'

Graeme developed his ideas about ungulate populations into major contributions in papers 22, 23, 24 and 28. Using new definitions of birth and death rates, he proposed a mathematical framework for analysing the dynamics of seasonally breeding populations. For example, in Paper 22 on mortality patterns in mammals he used his new data for Himalayan Tahr to develop a comprehensive examination of methods of obtaining life table data, and of the assumptions and biases in most analyses. In it he showed that the known relationship between mortality rate and age for humans also held for all mammalian species for which data were adequate. This new analysis established a single mortality pattern for all mammalian species, including humans, irrespective of the body size or life history of the species or whether they were wild or domestic.

Similarly, in Paper 24 on parameters for seasonally breeding populations he used data from a well-studied population of domestic sheep to show that the basic equations used in demography could not be used to cover all populations, especially those species with restricted annual breeding seasons. These two papers are regarded as classics in mammalian demography and, as Charles Krebs later said, 'he single-handedly put large mammal ecology into a theoretical framework'. Paper 22 was reprinted in 1970 (27) and 1982 (79) in the USA for student use.

Paper 28 on eruption of ungulate populations became widely known for two reasons. Using data from his own study of the increase of the Himalayan Tahr since its introduction to New Zealand, he showed that the build-up in species' populations after their introduction to new areas is essentially the same as eruptions in natural mammalian herbivore populations. The growth pattern does not follow a logistic curve as had previously been thought but is an eruption and crash followed by stabilization. Because this interpretation was at variance with a widely-quoted study on a population of deer on Kaibab Island, Canada, he re-examined that study and showed that the original observations had been overlaid by accretions and interpretations of later writers, including the doyen of American ecologists, Aldo Leopold; when these were exposed the original evidence was uninterpretable.

Graeme was now demonstrating his talent for picking key questions and presenting them in provocative but well-researched papers. Much later in his life he disclosed his philosophy about research in the preface to a book that he was planning to write, to be called The Kangaroo Game:

Let me describe myself to allow you, the reader, to gauge my motives and my view of the world. Confessions are not the best source of truth but they give clues, even if one must read between the lines. Socially I am inept. I go to considerable lengths to avoid meeting new people. I find it a strain. Charming I am not. Politically I am uncommitted.

I am good at research, not as good as I would like to be but somewhat better than average. Research is not quite the activity that most people think. It is a blood sport in which the opponents are other researchers. It must be the cleanest sport in the book because the ground rules, agreed to by the great majority of participants, ensure that in the long run the best win. Even in the short run not too many injustices occur. The ultimate high in research is not the discovery of a new fact – that you do almost once a week – but in writing a scientific publication that changes thinking. If you are good you might achieve that with every tenth paper. But when you do it you know that you have done it, even before anyone reads it, and then you sit back and say to yourself 'try to shoot that one down, you bastards.' When congratulated for the incredible insight displayed by 'your book' the correct response is 'which book'; or if you lobbed this mortar shell in the form of a paper you can practise 'Oh, that old thing' or 'Actually, I am not quite certain that I got it exactly right.' Research is a very serious business, it is the cutting edge of science, but it is also great fun.

You also need to know something about my attitude to killing animals. Take the extreme case, the killing of a large whale by means of an explosive harpoon. It is not pretty, and I think I would like myself better were I to view it as an aesthetic and moral outrage, but I do not. It is not important that you agree or disagree with this viewpoint. The importance lies in your realising that this is the way I am and in interpreting what I write in the light of that knowledge. I have no strong feeling for individual wild animals although paradoxically I cried when the family cat was run over. However I get very emotional about the suggestion that a population of wild animals should be exterminated. Hence I am a conservationist but not an animal-liberationist.

Charles Birch recognised some of these aspects of Graeme's character in 1979:⁴

If he has any irksome qualities they are a tendency to exaggerate for effect, to be a bit of a know all and to always be right. It is a sort of game playing in which points are being scored. In other words you do not always get a frank and open discussion with him if something he values is at stake, and he does have some very definite points of view and objectives. This does not basically make him a difficult person to work with. It does mean that on some issues one learns to take him with a grain of salt.

Consultant wildlife biologist

On completing his PhD Graeme undertook a series of consultancies as a wildlife biologist for the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO). This came about through Riney, who was now at FAO Rome. In March 1968 Graeme went to Nepal for a year to do a biological survey and to set up National Parks (26). During this time he made observations on the distribution of Tahr in its native habitat (34) and once again challenged old assumptions and showed how they were incorrect. All texts on Himalayan wildlife stated that Tahr live below the tree line, whereas in New Zealand they live exclusively above the tree line. From his own observations he confirmed that the same was true in Nepal and that all writers on Himalayan wildlife had quoted, directly or indirectly, from two nineteenth-century hunters who had collected male trophy heads below the tree line; in both New Zealand and Nepal lone males leave the breeding herd and descend into the forest but the main population live above the tree line.

In 1969 the FAO sent Graeme to Kenya to determine the accuracy of methods for assessing density of wild ungulates and later, at the invitation of the Iranian Government, he visited the Pamirs to estimate optimum sustained yield for Marco Polo sheep (Ovis poli). He also made a three-month trip to Afghanistan to investigate conservation status of endangered species (35). During these trips Graeme developed an interest in old coins. FAO consultants were paid part of their salary in local currency and, since it was difficult to exchange, he bought old Tibetan coins in Nepal. Later in Afghanistan, ancient Bactrian coins attracted his attention, as well as Greek tetradrachmas from the time of Alexander the Great. The interest in these coins continued and he built up a small collection by subsequent purchases.

At the conclusion of the consultancies, in 1969, he was awarded a Queen Elizabeth II Fellowship at the University of Sydney, and spent the next two years developing his theoretical approach to wildlife ecology. In 1971 he and Charles Birch, in a paper on rate of increase (43), showed that biologists studying the population dynamics of mammals were estimating the rate of increase incorrectly; they were using equations that were valid and widely used for insects but inappropriate for mammals. The logical fallacy in the common practice of calculating rate of increase from age distribution was indicated, and the appropriate methods of analysis were pointed out. The paper was subsequently reprinted as a 'classic' in Wildlife Population Ecology for student use (79). He also wrote the first draft of his book Analysis of Vertebrate Populations (62) but was then unable to interest a publisher in the manuscript; it languished for four years until accepted by Wiley in 1975. He also continued to do short consultancies for the FAO in Nepal, Afghanistan and Zambia.

During the Fellowship he met Judith Ada Badham, who was doing her PhD in ecology in the same School, and they were married in 1970. At the conclusion of the Fellowship in mid-1971, Graeme and Judy went to Zambia to complete a FAO project on elephant in the Luangwa Valley, begun by John Goddard, who had died when the project had eighteen months left to run. The aim of the project was multiple use for the Luangwa Valley – conservation, subsistence harvesting in wildlife management zones, agriculture and tourism – so the scientists involved were a very diverse group. The Caughleys worked and lived entirely within the national park in the centre of the Valley for the whole of their stay. Africa was good to them and they enjoyed the work. Judy described it as a wonderful, wonderful experience. Their son, Ian, was born there. Judy went through Goddard's diaries to get the data and analyse his aerial survey results, while Graeme continued the aerial surveys. He met a lot of people from Kenya and other countries doing aerial surveys of elephants and other large mammals – especially influential were Ian Parker and Michael Norton Griffiths. The most influential population ecologist was Richard Bell, who from his work in the Serengeti introduced Graeme to the field of African plant-herbivore relationships.

The fruit of this interaction was Graeme's refinement of analyses of aerial surveys (44, 49, 52) and the development of his ideas on the long-term interactions between elephant and the trees that provide it with food and shelter (56). He suggested that 'the elephant problem' – elephants knocking down forest faster than the forest regenerates – does not reflect the notion, as previously believed, that an equilibrium between forests and elephants has been displaced. The evidence indicated that elephants increase while thinning the forest and then decline to a low density that allows the forest to recover. Elephants then begin to recover and the cycle repeats. This he defined as a 'stable limit cycle' which may be very long. He estimated the length of the cycle in the Luangwa Valley to be in the order of 200 years, from the size distribution of Mopane trees, which showed a bimodal distribution suggesting an earlier period of low recruitment, and the age distribution of Baobab trees, which showed a unimodal peak at about 140 years. Since elephants browse young Baobabs the data suggested that a low density of elephants 140 years ago had allowed a cohort of Baobabs to become established and reach sufficient size to survive. The idea was put forward with characteristic verve and the paper aroused considerable interest in all African countries dealing with the elephant problem, and changed perspectives on management of the species.

Fourteen years later (130) Graeme examined this further by analysing the volume of ivory coming on to the world market since 1950, to determine the trend of the elephant populations from which it came. The data were consistent with a rapidly declining population. He deduced that few elephants would survive in East Africa outside high-security areas after 1995. The trend for Africa as a whole was similar but lagged about twenty years behind that of East Africa. This work was both clever and beautiful, but also written so tersely that it needed translation before it could be appreciated by all concerned.⁵ It showed that the ivory trade rather than habitat loss has been the main cause of decline in elephant populations and it influenced the decision to ban international traffic in ivory so as to conserve the species.

School of Biological Sciences, University of Sydney

Early in 1973 the Caughleys returned to Australia and he took up an appointment as Lecturer in Ecology in the School of Biological Sciences at the University of Sydney. The next six years in Sydney were a very productive time for him, although Judy recalled that he was never really happy in the university environment. For someone accustomed to working in a team he found it difficult to accommodate to the individualism of the university. He enjoyed the lecturing but the aggressive competition to do the minimum of lecturing and get the best post-graduate students distressed him. Nevertheless, his few post-graduate students remember his influence warmly. Bill Magnusson (personal communication 1997) recalled how he became Graeme's PhD student in 1974:

Thin, wiry and not very academic looking, he was so intent on his work that he looked up distractedly when I knocked on his door. 'Dr Caughley, I am putting together a thesis project on the nesting ecology of salt water crocodiles and I was wondering if you'd look it over for me?' He pushed aside his papers and our talk lasted about half an hour. His experienced mind quickly picked out the good bits, discarded the bad, and suggested ways to prop up the weak aspects. He never asked who my supervisor was. At the end of our discussion I asked if he thought it a good thesis project. He paused and said sincerely, 'yes it's a good project.' As he turned back to his papers I said 'So you're willing to supervise my project?' He said without thinking 'Oh! – yes.' A few minutes later Graeme was in Gordon Grigg's office saying 'Who is that Magnusson character? I think he has just suckered me.' Whether or not it was an appropriate way to get a supervisor, the next day Graeme said 'Alright, I'll supervise your project but only if Gordon is a co-supervisor.'

A year later, after Graeme had been into the field with Bill, he commented to a colleague that Bill seemed to be a good researcher, to which she replied 'Of course he's good!' He looked her in the eye and said 'If he's a good researcher, how did he get through our University system?'

Graeme met Robert May, then at the University of Sydney, and was attracted by his ideas on stable limit cycles, which Graeme developed in the elephant-plant system. At the same time Graeme was developing concepts of plant-herbivore systems, to which he had been introduced by Richard Bell, while he was in Zambia. May invited him to write the chapter on plant-herbivore interactions (54) for the book Theoretical Ecology that he was then editing for Blackwells. Caughley's chapter explored the theoretical relationships between a population and its resources in a number of plant-herbivore systems, ranging from simple through varying degrees of complexity, classified them into functional categories and indicated the expected dynamic behaviour of each. A close fit between observation and theory was shown.

In the same year (1976) he was invited to write on wildlife management and the dynamics of ungulate populations (55). At the time this essay was written, advances in wildlife management had not kept pace with those in other fields of population management, notably fisheries biology and economic entomology. The paper was an extended treatment of the relationship between population dynamics and population management using the ungulate-vegetation system for examples. Suggestions were given for estimating sustained yield and for managing an ungulate population to minimize damage to the vegetation. It was a powerful impetus to the development of a harvest theory for ungulates and had a profound influence on the management of large herbivores in the national parks of North America and world-wide.

In 1977 Caughley's book Analysis of Vertebrate Populations (62) was published by Wiley. It dealt largely with the problems of sampling, estimation and analysis and was an immediate success. It was recognised as the seminal work on the dynamics of vertebrate populations and how such populations may best be studied, and established him as the leading ungulate ecologist and one of the top five vertebrate ecologists in the world. Prior to the book's publication the ecologist wishing to be informed on vertebrate populations had to read a very large and scattered literature; it was awarded 'Book of the Year' by the American Wildlife Society and was translated into Russian (63). It is still the primary reference in the discipline and is still widely consulted.

Publication of the book brought lots more contacts and invitations to numerous conferences, especially in North America. Graeme wrote an amusing anecdote about one of these that he attended in 1978:⁶

When the proceedings are published and I find out what was said there, I may write about the scientific advances unveiled at the Elk Ecology and Management Conference at the University of Wyoming, 3–5 April 1978. The first inkling of disaster came when I was handed on arrival my schedule of 'extra-conference commitments.' The design (as we say in statistics) being exhaustive but non-overlapping. Into the interstices of this time frame was fitted a conference that began at 8am each day and continued indefinitely. By halfway through the second day I was suffering severe physiological stress. I gave a paper later that night and remember only that the projector kept going backwards. No-one else seemed to notice. The third day is something of a mystery but I can piece together parts of it from my meticulously kept notes, the standard of which fortunately remained constant throughout. That day, for instance, I 'lynched with Harry and Chuck who disgust elbows. Very stimulation.' The fourth day I do not understand but I can give a broad outline. I was no longer in Wyoming but in Colorado, having been driven across the border at high speed, two hours before a gentleman would be contemplating whether his eggs should be poached or fried. Apparently someone, sometime, had said, 'You must come down to Colorado State University' and presumably my reply, whatever it had been, was interpreted as agreement. I was ushered into what appeared to be the Wallace theatre and instructed to give a seminar in the direction of an already assembled crowd scene. Since I had nothing prepared I simply babbled for an hour and in the process apparently insulted, quite unintentionally, half the heavier wildlife managers stationed north of the Rio Grande. The ensuing discussion was lively. Subsequent events are telescoped in my memory but the factor common to all was continuous discussion. The groups of beady-eyed post-grads and staff changed, as did the seminar rooms in which these chats occurred, but otherwise it was total talk Americans are earnest, generous, likeable and organised. If you are none of these you are in for a rough time.

Certainly, in North America Graeme's provocative style was not always appreciated. His major contributions were to introduce the use of mathematical analysis of mammal populations, to explain what he was doing with great clarity and simplicity, and to re-examine the basic tenets of wildlife ecology to provide a critique of entrenched dogma. However, the field of wildlife management, which had begun in the 1930s in the US, was still dominated by the writings of Aldo Leopold (Game Management, Scribners, New York, 1933) and a somewhat slavish adherence to the ideas of that great American master. When Graeme began to challenge the sacred tenets he was resisted bitterly by some of the most senior people. However, younger biologists were attracted to Graeme's thinking and four of them came up with the idea of publishing his ideas under a pseudonym, in order to get around the antipathy for Graeme in North America. They were Richard Bell, Douglas Houston, Michael Norton-Griffiths and Tony Sinclair. Graeme suggested the name John Macnab from the John Buchan hero of that name. There were to be four papers, each author taking a particular concept and then the others commenting on the draft. Three papers were published, 'Wildlife management as scientific experimentation' (86), 'Carrying capacity and related slippery shibboleths' (100) and 'Does game cropping serve conservation? A re-examination of the African data' (137).

Graeme did not shy away from controversy in Africa either, as Brian Walker remembered. The complexity of plant species composition in grazed systems prevented, for a long time, the acceptance of his conclusions based on analyses of the one-herbivore–one-plant model. His analyses of the models in 1982 (80) provided a theoretical basis for the notion that the diversity of plant species has little effect on the dynamics of plant-herbivore systems, particularly with respect to the fluctuations and equilibrium densities of the herbivore. From this and other work in Africa and elsewhere he had developed strong and convincing arguments against over-managing 'natural ecosystems' and he became an ardent advocate of letting ecosystems follow their natural dynamics with minimum interference by managers. His views were diametrically opposed to those held by African wildlife biologists at the time and, in two workshops in South Africa in 1979 and 1982, dealing with management of African wildlife and the problem of culling in national parks, he provoked vigorous discussion by asking 'What is this thing called carrying capacity?' and 'What is this thing called overabundance?' In the first (72) he emphasised the difference between ecological carrying capacity and economic carrying capacity, about which much confusion then existed. In the second (90, 91), where he was a principal speaker, he did not spare feelings in attacking the contrary views. The outcome was a salutary experience for all and his work on carrying capacities had a major effect on the direction and outcome of those meetings for wildlife management in Africa.

In Australia Graeme Caughley was becoming recognised as the pre-eminent expert on kangaroo ecology and population dynamics. In the early 1970s animal welfare groups in the USA campaigned to have the trade in kangaroo products abolished, on the grounds of the danger they represented to the populations of red and grey kangaroos. Wildlife biologists realised that an accurate method of measuring the size of kangaroo populations was needed to resolve this dispute. Caughley applied his African experience to this problem and began to develop accurate methods of aerial census of kangaroo populations (61, 65, 67, 69).

In 1978 Graeme submitted his corpus of publications, entitled The Dynamics of Mammalian Populations, for the degree of DSc, which he received from the University of Sydney early in 1979. However, although now Reader in Ecology, he was still unsettled at Sydney. Harry Frith and Graeme were members of the Advisory Board of the New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service and at one meeting in 1978, Graeme muttered to Harry, 'Have you got any jobs in Canberra?' Harry replied 'Maybe'. At the next meeting Harry said 'Were you serious?' and Graeme said 'Yes'.

CSIRO Division of Wildlife Research

Graeme was appointed Senior Principal Research Scientist in the Division of Wildlife Research in September 1979 to head a programme on kangaroo ecology. His aims were to determine the distribution, density and dynamics of the three main species of kangaroo across Australia, to determine appropriate options for their management, and to elucidate the ecological operating rules of the arid and semi-arid grazing systems.

He continued to develop the aerial survey techniques begun at the University of Sydney. He developed a rigorous system of calibration and statistical treatment that has made it possible to make regular estimates of the numbers of free-ranging kangaroos across the vast areas of Australia (71, 76, 82, 83, 88, 93, 94, 99), their movements (101), and the distribution of other large animals (81, 98, 105). Since 1980 these aerial survey techniques have been routinely used by the fauna authorities of the Australian states for their respective kangaroo management programmes, and by Environment Australia as the basis for the Federal Government's export quota system each year. The accurate knowledge of trends in kangaroo populations across the continent has helped to counter opposition from Europe and the USA to culling and harvesting of kangaroos. In 1986 Graeme successfully negotiated with members of the European Parliament against a proposed ban on kangaroo imports.

In addition to the direct application of his work on kangaroos, he also attempted to get some general principles out of the distributions of the three large kangaroos in Australia. One paper (114) used a fairly orthodox approach and standard distribution data, to show that each species reacts independently to specific and differing climatic variables and that biological interaction between species is not important. A second (117) took a quite different tack, using much tighter data that included dynamics attributes as well as simple distribution, and ended up with generalized results about the factors determining the edge of a species' range.

In 1983 he and Charles Krebs explored the importance of body size in mammalian ecology (87). Ecologists studying mammalian population dynamics have tended to base generalizations, covering all species, on results from the kinds of animals that they have studied themselves. This new analysis suggested that the ecological and evolutionary relationships between mammals weighing more than 30 kg and the plants that they eat differ intrinsically from those of smaller mammals and their food, a concept independently arrived at by comparative physiologists.

However, Graeme's major project in CSIRO was a collaborative one with the New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service, begun under the leadership of Neil Shepherd in 1977, to examine the relationship between high kangaroo densities and vegetation in an arid-zone national park (Kinchega National Park). With Graeme's transfer, CSIRO was invited to join in and Graeme and Neil shared the leadership from 1980 to its completion in 1985. Its aims were altered to include interactions with weather, vegetation and other herbivores and it was run as a joint enterprise, combining staff of CSIRO Division of Wildlife Research and National Parks and Wildlife Service (Preface to 108). The scale of the project is indicated by the fact that 400 student volunteers contributed to it as well. At the time it was the largest and most comprehensive study of a complex plant-herbivore ecosystem ever attempted. Graeme designed the joint study so that its diverse sub-projects dove-tailed to produce a synthesis of the dynamics of this grazing system. Growth, offtake, species composition and standing biomass of vegetation were measured over 600 km² at frequent intervals. Kangaroos were censused regularly over an area of 200 km², necessitating some 500 hours of aerial survey. The project identified and quantified the relationships between weather, plant growth, and rate of increase of kangaroos; it showed that the ecological relationships within the system were very tight and interactions occurred with minimum lag, despite the massive environmental fluctuations. Carrying capacity was shown to be a function of the coefficient of variation of annual rainfall. Sustainable harvesting rates and management strategies were defined. The study, which provided the most detailed and integrated analysis to that time of any grazing system in the world, was published by Cambridge University Press as a monograph (108), with Caughley as senior editor, entitled Kangaroos: Their Ecology and Management in the Sheep Rangelands of Australia. In addition to the book, 31 papers were published from the study as well as nine theses (4 Honours, 1 MVSc, 2 MSc and 2 PhD).

New Zealand interests

Although Graeme lived in Australia from 1973, his links with New Zealand remained strong and in 1983 he wrote an unusual book, The Deer Wars: The Story of Deer in New Zealand, published by Heinemann (89). In it he analysed the problem of wildlife management simultaneously from several perspectives: history, ecology, evolution, hydrology, geology, sociology, politics and economics. The book was unusual for several reasons: it was not a treatise on the ecology of red deer and the history of deer in New Zealand, although there was a lot of that in it; it was not a text on the economics and politics of managing a wildlife resource, although one can learn much about that in its pages; and it was not an autobiography, although Graeme obviously wrote from first-hand knowledge and experience. The book is a splendid example of problem-solving, vigorous and free-flowing text that examines the complex interactions between wild mammals, their environment and the perceptions and interests concerning these animals held by different groups of people within society. Graeme took a particularly good example with which to examine the evolution of people's perceptions of a wild species and the way in which government policy responds to these perceptions. It is the merit of this book that, while it is about deer in New Zealand, it has lessons for the management of wildlife everywhere. The book aroused some controversy in New Zealand, especially from forestry people who felt the bite in his criticisms of the research and management of wild deer. The point was made that Caughley had been out of New Zealand for much of the time when perceptions of deer and their uses were changing and that his analysis of this period could be faulted.⁷ The deer stalkers' association, however, applauded the book⁸ and Graeme was invited to address their annual conference in 1985 (104). Biologists, conservationists and those interested in land use in New Zealand also applauded the book. Its influence was profound because it appeared just before the administration of native forests was moved from the New Zealand Forest Service to the Department of Conservation. Graeme was the keynote speaker at a two-day seminar on wildlife legislation in New Zealand in 1988 (118, 119).

Sometime about 1986 or 1987 Graeme began a project on Quaternary faunal extinctions, climate change and the dispersal of people. He wanted to apply dispersal ecology and regression analysis to human ecology in order to understand the early spread of mankind across Australia. He recognised that the settlement of New Zealand by Polynesians about 1,000 years ago would provide a rigorous model for the much harder task in Australia. In 1988 he examined the pattern of colonization of New Zealand by the Polynesians (115) and the interaction of the avian megafauna, the New Zealand flora and mankind. It produced results at variance with the current anthropological paradigm of rapid colonization by Maoris of all coastal regions of New Zealand, and a long association of moas and Maoris. Instead, he proposed that the first landfall was made on the Kaikoura coast of South Island about 1,000 years ago and colonization of both islands spread out from there at an accelerating rate, reaching 10km a year after 400 years, when colonization was complete. Secondly, variance stripping on the radiocarbon dates indicated that the average time that megafauna and people co-existed in any district was only about one century. The inference from this was that the human population grew and spread on the abundant food resource in much the same way as the introduced ungulates did several centuries later. This paper had an important effect on ethnography and archaeology in New Zealand and it demanded a new appraisal of the time of arrival and the pattern of spread of the Maori people through New Zealand.

In a subsequent paper in 1989 (123), presented at a symposium of the New Zealand Ecological Society in response to the previous paper, Caughley examined the history of the New Zealand biota over the last 7,000 years. He divided it into three phases. BC 5000 to AD 1000 was a period of comparative ecological stasis. That equilibrium was disrupted between AD 1000 and AD 1800 by the destruction of most of the New Zealand plant-herbivore systems, the co-evolutionary relationships between the plants and the vertebrate herbivores being decoupled by about AD 1400. The ecology of the moas was deduced from what data were available to show that their closest living ecological analogues are not birds but browsing mammals.

Regrettably, the rest of the project, addressing the interactions of people and megafauna in Australia, was not completed by the time of his death.

National and international consultancies

Graeme Caughley continued to undertake many overseas consultancies. In 1988–90 he went to Tanzania, China, Kenya, Nepal, Canada, Greenland and Zimbabwe.

In 1989 he was appointed to the Resource Assessment Commission, set up by Act of Parliament to advise the Australian Prime Minister on resource matters. The Forests and Forest Industries Inquiry was instituted in November 1989 and was charged with describing the forests of Australia, the adequacy of their conservation, the timber and timber products industries of Australia, and any conflict between them. Caughley was the Special Commissioner with expertise in matters environmental. His contributions to the modelling that forms the core of the enquiry provided a basis for interpreting such data as were available. During 1990 he read about 260 submissions, went on seven field inspections and attended public hearings in fifteen centres around Australia (135). From his analyses he recognised that the rate of timber cutting of native forests exceeded the rate of increase and was therefore unsustainable, in the same way as the harvesting of whales had been unsustainable some decades earlier. These conclusions were incorporated into the Interim Report (135), which was made available for comment. The forest industry objected to these conclusions and demanded that a forestry representative join the Commission and oversee the final version of Caughley's report. He objected to this condition and to what he saw as the obstructive and intransigent attitude of the forest interests. When it was upheld by the Chief Commissioner, Caughley resigned and left for Greenland and a study of Muskox. As he said in another context (123) but applicable to the Commission:

Ideologies can be applauded or ridiculed but they cannot be invalidated unless they are converted to hypotheses. Then there can be reasoned scholarly debate. It is precisely to avoid that possibility that ideologies are always framed in abstract terms... We must not change reality to fit ideology.

Certainly the Resource Assessment Commission was a stressful time for him, not least because smoking was forbidden during the hearings and, since he had to attend all of them, he decided to give up smoking for the duration of the Commission. Also, in 1990, he and Judy decided to go their separate ways.

In 1991, he took on another public task as Chair of the Review of Australian Research Council Funding in the field of Ecology (142).

Recognition by his scientific peers followed. In 1992 he was elected to fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science, and in 1993 he received the highest award bestowed by CSIRO, the Chairman's Medal. In 1994 he was also awarded the Peter Scott Medal by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature but sadly did not live to receive it.

Conservation biology

Graeme's attitude to conservation is expressed in the quotation given earlier; he was concerned about survival of species but was indifferent to individual animals. Because of his experience, as revealed in The Deer Wars, he had an impartiality as to whether animals are killed, culled or conserved and this approach is probably essential for a person who is to develop rational management policies. In the last years of his life he turned his attention more to conservation issues and the management of declining populations and away from harvesting and sustained yield issues.

In 1990 he began a project to test experimentally the effect of various stressors on the viability of small populations and, at the same time, began to gather material for a re-examination of the theoretical bases of conservation biology and the factors determining population viability. A major review on the subject was sent to the Journal of Animal Ecology in April 1993. In the same month he learned that he had terminal cancer and could not expect to live long. He set himself the goal of seeing the review through the press and, if time allowed, writing a book on conservation biology. With characteristic vigour and courage he saw the review published (145), and he completed a book already begun with Tony Sinclair entitled Wildlife Management and Ecology (144), published by Blackwells in 1994. In the months between April and December, with his partner, Anne Gunn, he wrote most of an entirely new book, which even drew critically on papers published in 1993. The major portion of the book, entitled Conservation Biology in Theory and Practice, was completed at the time of Graeme's death at his home in Canberra on 16 February 1994. Anne Gunn completed the book during the next nine months and it was published by Blackwells in 1996 (146).

The review and the book that followed aroused considerable debate. In the review (145) Graeme recognised two threads in conservation thinking. These he termed the small-population paradigm, which deals with the effect of smallness on the persistence of a population, and the declining-population paradigm, which deals with the cause of smallness and its cure. His criticism of the small-population paradigm was that it treats an effect (smallness) as if it were a cause and attempts to answer a trivial question – how long will a population persist if nothing unusual happens? His contention was that much of the theoretical side of conservation biology has been directed to population genetics and modelling to determine minimum population size, all of which he saw as part of the small-population paradigm. The declining-population paradigm, by contrast, is short on theory and generalization, because the causes of decline are different for each species, but determining the causes of decline is relevant to most problems in conservation. He concluded that the declining-population paradigm urgently needed more theory and the small-population paradigm needed more practice. He appealed for an intermixing of the two, which might lead to a reduction in the rate at which species are going extinct.

The review provoked a round-table discussion at the next annual meeting of the Society for Conservation Biology at Fort Collins, Colorado in 1995 and that was the impetus for Hedrick et al.⁹ to challenge Caughley's distinction of two paradigms as over-simplistic and something that should not be perpetuated. They were especially exercised by his argument that theoretical models based on population genetics had not contributed to the rescue of any declining species, as this would give ammunition to hostile forces attempting to discredit conservation efforts. Young and Harcourt¹⁰ then came to Caughley's defence, as did Clinchy and Krebs,¹¹ the latter daring to 'be brought before the Inquisition on charges of heresy' by taking Caughley's distinction further. They suggested that the two paradigms represent a wider dichotomy in conservation biology between laboratory-based research (the small-population paradigm) and field-based research (the declining-population paradigm). It is clear that, in his last paper, Graeme Caughley had once again lobbed one of his mortar shells at his favourite protagonists, his peers in ecology, and scored well!

The book (146) that was written hard on the heels of the review was an astonishing achievement, even without considering the conditions under which it was written. In a real sense it is a response to the appeal of the review, to provide conservation biology with a strong theoretical underpinning. This it does, and also offers a wealth of examples and practical solutions for the particular problems faced by species in decline. It is destined to be the handbook of first resort in conservation biology for years to come. While Graeme's mind is in it all, Anne Gunn played a huge part in the support she gave him through the last months of his life and in the hard task of completing it for publication. As his friend Ian Parker wrote in the front of the book, 'he was thinking originally to the end'.

After his untimely death at the peak of his intellectual powers, there was a move to create some fitting memorial to Graeme Caughley. The Graeme Caughley Travelling Fellowship was established through the joint auspices of the Australasian Wildlife Management Society, the CSIRO Division of Wildlife and Ecology and the Australian Academy of Science. Its purpose is to encourage exchange of ideas and knowledge about wildlife management, by travel grants to enable Australian and New Zealand ecologists to visit colleagues in other countries. The first two Caughley Fellows were David Choquenot, who travelled in Africa, and Jim Hone who travelled in Europe and North America.

In ecology Graeme Caughley led by setting high standards of research and integrity tempered by a delight in ecological relationships and a rapier wit. As mentioned earlier, The Deer Wars was partly autobiographical and the last words of that incomparable book sum up Graeme's philosophy of life:

The formative mythology of the New Zealanders is not easily dissected, and perhaps it should not be attempted because to dissect is to destroy. But some elements can be displayed without trauma: water on fern, breaking out of forest onto snow grass, a fist in the scrum, the lobbed shot that comes off, the flooded river that must be crossed, the piton that gives just a little, 'and the antlers in the hall, sings Harry'.

These I judge necessary and their absence as impoverishment. I am certainly growing no younger and maybe I missed the point somewhere along the way. But what do you judge as important?

Honours

• 1970 Queen Elizabeth II Post-Doctoral Fellowship
• 1978 Analysis of Vertebrate Populations awarded 'Book of the Year' by the Wildlife Society, Washington, D.C.
• 1987 Kangaroos: Their Ecology and Management in the Sheep Range-lands of Australia awarded Whitley Book Award Certificate of Commendation by the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales.
• 1992 Elected to Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science.
• 1993 Awarded CSIRO Chairman's Medal for outstanding research achievements and leadership in the field of vertebrate ecology.
• 1994 Peter Scott Award for Conservation Merit, Species Survival Commission of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature.

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, Vol.12, No.3, 1999. It was written by C.H. Tyndale Biscoe, School of Biological Sciences, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT.

Acknowledgments

For providing information and anecdotes about Graeme and leads to his correspondence I thank David Grice, Anne Gunn, Bill Magnusson, Roxanne Missingham, Steve Morton, Peter Shaughnessy, Tony Sinclair, Rodney Teakle, Brian Walker and Rosanne Walker. Pat Caughley and Judy Caughley were especially helpful in providing the background to Graeme's early life and research career. The notes used to prepare this Memoir and most of Graeme's papers have been deposited at the Australian Academy of Science. Other official files concerning his time in CSIRO are held in the Australian National Archives, Canberra.

References

1. Caughley, N. 1979. James Caughley – Headmaster 1903–1936. Takapau Centennial School Report, p .2.
2. Antarctic Treaty (Environment Protection Act) 1980. Site of Special Scientific Interest No.10. Caughley Beach, Cape Bird, Ross Island. Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No. P 39, 29 November 1993.
3. Young, E. 1994. Letter to Chief, Division of Wildlife and Ecology.
4. Birch, C. 1979. Letter to Chief, Division of Wildlife Research.
5. May, R.M. 1994. Graeme Caughley and the emerging science of conservation biology. TREE 9, 368–9.
6. Morton, S.R. 1996. Four Fs* Newsletter, Division of Wildlife and Ecology 194, 2.
7. Batchelor, C.L. 1985. Review of The Deer Wars. New Zealand Journal of Forestry 30, 278–81. Miers, K.H. 1984. Review of The Deer Wars. Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand 14, 291–2.
8. Henderson, J.B. 1983. The great wild animal debate. Review of The Deer Wars. NZ Listener, 3 December 1983. p. 106–7.
9. Hedrick, P.W., Lacy, R.C., Allendorf, F.W. and Soule, M. 1996. Directions in conservation biology: comments on Caughley. Conservation Biology 10, 1312–20.
10. Young, T. and Harcourt, A.H. 1997. Viva Caughley! Conservation Biology 11, 831–2.
11. Clinchy, M. and Krebs, C.J. 1997. Conservation Biology 11, 832–3.

Bibliography

1. Caughley, G. 1958 How high do birds live in the Southern Alps? Notornis 8: 24.
2. Riney, T. and Caughley, G. 1959 A study of home range in a feral goat herd. New Zealand Journal of Science 2: 157–170.
3. Caughley, G. 1960 Riflemen in exotic pine forests. Notornis 9: 63.
4. Caughley, G. 1960 The Cape Crozier Emperor penguin colony. Records of the Dominion Museum (New Zealand) 3: 251–262.
5. Caughley, G. 1960 Observations on incubation and chick rearing in the Antarctic skua. Notornis 8: 194–195.
6. Caughley, G. 1960 The Adelie penguins of Ross and Beaufort Islands. Records of the Dominion Museum (New Zealand) 3: 263–282.
7. Caughley, G. 1960 Dead seals inland. Antarctica 2: 270–271.
8. Caughley, G. 1962 Habitat occupation of birds in a New Zealand high country drainage during the breeding season. Emu 62: 129–139.
9. Caughley, G. 1963 Dispersal rates of several ungulates introduced into New Zealand. Nature 200: 280–281.
10. Caughley, G. 1964 Does the New Zealand vertebrate fauna conform to zoogeographic principles? Tuatara 12: 49–56.
11. Caughley, G. 1964 Social organization and daily activity of the red kangaroo and the grey kangaroo. Journal of Mammalogy 45: 429–436.
12. Caughley, G. 1964 Density and dispersion of two species of kangaroo in relation to habitat. Australian Journal of Zoology 12: 238–249.
13. Caughley, G. and Kean, R.I. 1964 Sex ratios in marsupial pouch young. Nature 204: 491.
14. Rammell, C.G. and Caughley, G. 1964 Composition of thar's milk. New Zealand Journal of Science 7: 667–670.
15. Caughley, G. 1964 (REVIEWS) The Distribution and Abundance of Animals by H.G. Andrewartha and L.C. Birch; and Introduction to the Study of Animals Populations by H.G. Andrewartha. New Zealand Journal of Forestry 9: 223–224.
16. Caughley, G. 1965 A method of comparing the numbers of species in areas covered by different periods of observations. Emu 65: 115–118.
17. Caughley, G. 1965 Standardizing the common name of 'possum' for Trichosurus vulpecula. Tuatara 13: 30.
18. Brooker, M.G. and Caughley, G. 1965 The vertebrate fauna of Gilruth Plains, south-west Queensland. Linnean Society of New South Wales 90: 238–241.
19. Caughley, G. 1965 Horn rings and tooth eruption as criteria of age in the Himalayan Thar Hemitragus jemlahicus. New Zealand Journal of Science 8: 333–351
20. Caughley, G. 1965 Politics and science. Te Karere 1, 12–14.
21. Caughley, G. 1966 The breeding of black-backed gulls in the South Island mountains. Notornis 13: 166.
22. Caughley, G. 1966 Mortality patterns in mammals. Ecology 47: 906–918.
23. Caughley, G. 1967 Calculations of population mortality rate and life expectancy for thar and kangaroos from the ratio of juveniles to adults. New Zealand Journal of Science 10: 578–584.
24. Caughley, G. 1967 Parameters for seasonally breeding populations. Ecology 48: 834–839.
25. Caughley, G. 1969 Genetics of melanism in the fantail Rhipidura fuliginosa. Notornis 16: 237–240.
26. Caughley, G. 1969 Wildlife and recreation on the Trisuli watershed and other areas in Nepal. HMG/FAO/UNDP Trisuli Watershed Development Project. Project Report No.6. p. 54.
27. Caughley, G. 1970 Mortality patterns in mammals. Ecology 47: 906–918 (1966). Reprinted in Jones, J.K. and Anderson, S. (eds). Readings in Mammalogy. Monograph 2. Museum of Natural History, University of Kansas.
28. Caughley, G. 1970 Eruption of ungulate populations with emphasis on Himalayan thar in New Zealand. Ecology 51: 53–72.
29. Caughley, G. 1970 Liberation, dispersal and distribution of Himalayan thar in New Zealand. New Zealand Journal of Science 13: 220–239.
30. Caughley, G. 1970 Fat reserves of Himalayan thar in New Zealand, by sex, season, area and age. New Zealand Journal of Science 13: 209–219.
31. Caughley, G. 1970 A comment on Vandermeer's 'Pseudo-reproductive value'. American Naturalist 104: 214–5.
32. Caughley, G. 1970 Population statistics of chamois. Mammalia 34: 194–199.
33. Caughley, G. 1970 Cervus elaphus in southern Tibet. Journal of Mammalogy 51: 611–614.
34. Caughley, G. 1970 Habitat of the Himalayan tahr Hemitragus jemlahicus. Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society 67: 105–106.
35. Caughley, G. 1970 Wildlife Resources of Afghanistan. FAO Publ. TA2905, 11 pp.
36. Caughley, G. 1970 (REVIEW) The Natural History of Canterbury, by G.A. Knox (ed.). Australian Journal of Science 32: 374.
37. Caughley, G. 1971 Offspring sex ratio and age of parents. Journal of Reproduction and Fertility 25: 369–383.
38. Caughley, G. 1971 The season of births for northern-hemisphere ungulates in New Zealand. Mammalia 35: 204–219.
39. Caughley, G. 1971 Demography, fat reserves and body size of a population of red deer in New Zealand. Mammalia 35: 369–383.
40. Caughley, G. 1971 An investigation of hybridization between free-ranging wapiti and red deer in New Zealand. New Zealand Journal of Science 14: 993–1008.
41. Caughley, G. 1971 The name of the Himalayan ***. New Zealand Wildlife 32: 20–21.
42. Caughley, G. 1971 Correction for band loss. Bird-banding 42: 220–221.
43. Caughley, G. and Birch, L.C. 1971 Rate of increase. Journal of Wildlife Management 35: 658–663.
44. Caughley, G. and Goddard, J. 1972 Improving the estimates from inaccurate censuses. Journal of Wildlife Management 36: 135–140.
45. Caughley, G. 1973 Game management. Game Management and Habitat Manipulation in the Luangwa Valley of Zambia, p. 50–158. FAO Publication DP/ZAM/68/510/WDI.
46. Caughley, G. 1974 Interpretation of age ratios. Journal of Wildlife Management 38: 557–562.
47. Caughley, G. 1974 Productivity, offtake and rate of increase. Journal of Wildlife Management 38: 566–567.
48. Caughley, G. 1974 Introduced mammals: thar. New Zealand Nature Heritage 3: 929–935.
49. Caughley, G. 1974 Bias in aerial survey. Journal of Wildlife Management 38: 921–933.
50. Caughley, G. and Caughley, J. 1974 Estimating median date of birth. Journal of Wildlife Management 38: 552–556.
51. Caughley, G. 1975 The distribution of eastern grey kangaroos (Macropus giganteus Shaw) in north-western New South Wales. Search 6: 341–342.
52. Caughley, G. and Goddard, J. 1975 Abundance and distribution of elephants in the Luangwa Valley, Zambia. East African Wildlife Journal 13: 39–48.
53. Caughley, G. 1975 (REVIEW) East African Mammals, Vol. 2 by J. Kingdon. Search 6: 344.
54. Caughley, G. 1976 Plant-herbivore systems. Chapter 6 in R.M. May (ed.) Theoretical Ecology: Principles and Applications. p. 94–113. Blackwell, London.
55. Caughley, G. 1976 Wildlife management and the dynamics of ungulate populations. In T.H. Coaker (ed.) Applied Biology 1: 183–246.
56. Caughley, G. 1976 The elephant problem – an alternative hypothesis. East African Wildlife Journal 14: 265–283.
57. Caughley, G. 1976 The taxonomy of moas. Tuatura 23: 20–25.
58. Caughley, G. 1976 (REVIEW) Animal Population Ecology by J.P. Dempster. (1975). Search 7: 174.
59. Caughley, G., Sinclair, R.G. and Scott-Kemmis, D. 1976 Experiments in aerial survey. Journal of Wildlife Management 40: 290–300.
60. Caughley, G. 1976 (REVIEW) Conservation in Practice by A. Warren and F.B. Goldsmith (eds). (1974). Search 7: 211.
61. Caughley, G., Sinclair R.G. and Wilson, G.R. 1977 Numbers, distribution and harvesting rate of kangaroos on the inland plains of New South Wales. Australian Wildlife Research 4: 99–108.
62. Caughley, G. 1977 Analysis of Vertebrate Populations. Wiley-Interscience Publication, John Wiley & Sons, London. 234 pp.
63. [Russian translation by Mir Publishers, Moscow]
64. Reference not used
65. Caughley, G. 1977 Sampling in aerial survey. Journal of Wildlife Management 41: 605–615.
66. Caughley, G. 1978 Whaling. Viewpoint 6: 15–18.
67. Magnusson, W.E., Caughley, G. and Grigg, G.C. 1978 A double-survey estimate of population size from incomplete counts. Journal of Wildlife Management 42: 174–176.
68. Caughley, G. 1978 Evaluating control techniques. Australian Vertebrate Control Conference, Working Papers, p. 1–4.
69. Caughley, G. 1979 Sampling techniques for aerial censuses. Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service, Special Publication 1: 9–14.
70. Caughley, G. 1979 Designs for aerial censuses. Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service, Special Publication 1: 15–23.
71. Caughley, G., Sinclair, R.G. and Grigg, G.C. 1979 Trend of kangaroo populations in New South Wales, Australia. Journal of Wildlife Management 43: 775–777.
72. Caughley, G. 1979 What is this thing called carrying capacity? p. 2–8 in M.S. Boyce (ed.) North American Moose: Ecology, Behavior and Management. University of Wyoming Press.
73. Caughley, G., Grigg, G.C., Caughley, J. and Hill, G.J.E. 1980 Does dingo predation control the densities of kangaroos and emus? Australian Wildlife Research 7: 1–12.
74. Caughley, G. 1980 (REVIEW) The George Reserve Deer Herd by D.R. McCullough. (1979). Science 207: 1338–1339.
75. Caughley, G. 1981 Comments on: 'Natural regulation of ungulates (what constitutes a real wilderness?)'. Wildlife Society Bulletin 9: 232–234.
76. Caughley, G. and Grigg, G.C. 1981 Surveys of the distribution and density of kangaroos in the pastoral zone of South Australia, and their bearing on the feasibility of aerial survey in large and remote areas. Australian Wildlife Research 8: 1–11.
77. Caughley, G. 1981 What we do not know about the dynamics of large mammals. Chapter 18 in C.W. Fowler and T.D. Smith (eds.) Dynamics of Large Mammal Populations. Wiley-Interscience, New York.
78. Caughley, G. 1981 Overpopulation. p. 7–19 in P.A. Jewell, S. Holt and D. Hart (eds.) Problems in Management of Locally Abundant Wild Mammals. Academic Press, New York.
79. Caughley, G. 1982 Mortality patterns in mammals. Ecology 47: 906–918 (1966); Caughley, G. and Birch, L.C. Rate of increase. Journal of Wildlife Management 35: 658–663 (1971); Caughley, G. Interpretation of age ratios. Journal of Wildlife Management 38: 557–562 (1974). All three reprinted in J.S. Wakeley (ed.). Wildlife Population Ecology. Pennsylvania State University Press.
80. Caughley, G. 1982 Vegetation complexity and the dynamics of modelled grazing systems. Oecologia 54: 309–319.
81. Caughley, G. and Grice, D. 1982 A correction factor for counting emus from the air, and its application to counts in Western Australia. Australian Wildlife Research 9: 253–259.
82. Caughley, G. and Grigg, G.C. 1982 Numbers and distribution of kangaroos in the Queensland pastoral zone. Australian Wildlife Research 9: 365–371.
83. Caughley, G. 1982 Aerial survey in Australia. p. 328–331 in T. Riney (ed.). Wildlife Management in the '80s. Field and Game Federation, Melbourne.
84. Caughley, G. 1982 (REVIEW) Comparative Ecology by Y. Ito. (1980). Australian Journal of Ecology 7: 213.
85. Caughley, G. and Briggs, S.V. 1983 Management of waterfowl. Parks and Wildlife: Wetlands of New South Wales. C. Haigh (ed.) p. 68–72.
86. Macnab, John [pseudonym for Caughley, G., Sinclair, A.R.E., Houston, D. and Bell, R.H.] 1983 Wildlife management as scientific experimentation. Wildlife Society Bulletin 11: 397–401.
87. Caughley, G. and Krebs, C.J. 1983 Are big mammals simply little mammals writ large? Oecologia 59: 7–17.
88. Caughley, G., Grigg, G.C. and Short, J. 1983 How many kangaroos? Search 14: 151–152.
89. Caughley, G. 1983 The Deer Wars: the Story of Deer in New Zealand. Heinemann Publishers, Auckland. 187 pp.
90. Caughley, G. and Walker, B. 1983 Working with ecological ideas. Chapter 2 (p. 13–33) in A.A. Ferrar (ed.) Guidelines for the Management of Large Mammals in African Conservation Areas. South African National Scientific Programme Report Series, No.69.
91. Caughley, G. 1983 Dynamics of large mammals and their relevance to culling. p. 115–126 in R.N. Owen-Smith (ed.). Management of Large Mammals in African Conservation Areas. HAUM Publishers, Pretoria.
92. Caughley, G. 1984 On the scientific utilization of airlines. Search 15: 17–18.
93. Caughley, G., Brown, B., Dostine, P. and Grice, D. 1984 The grey kangaroo overlap zone. Australian Wildlife Research 11: 1–10.
94. Short, J., Caughley, G., Grice, D. and Brown, B. 1984 The distribution and abundance of kangaroos in Western Australia in relation to environment. Australian Wildlife Research 10: 435–451.
95. Caughley, G. 1984 (REVIEW) Principles of Wildlife Management by J.A. Bailey. Quarterly Review of Biology 60: 95–96.
96. Caughley, G. 1984 Determinants of Olympic performance. Search 15: 248–249.
97. Caughley, G. 1985 Problems in Wildlife Management. Chapter 13, pp 129–135 in H. Messel (ed.) The Study of Populations. Pergamon Press, Sydney.
98. Grice, D., Caughley, G. and Short, J. 1985 Density and distribution of emus. Australian Wildlife Research 12: 69–73.
99. Caughley, G., Grigg, G.C. and Smith, L. 1985 The effect of drought on kangaroo populations. Journal of Wildlife Management 49: 679–685.
100. Macnab, John [pseudonym for Houston, D., Sinclair, A.R.E., Caughley, G. and Norton-Griffiths, M.]. 1985 Carrying capacity and related slippery shibboleths. Wildlife Society Bulletin 13: 403–410.
101. Caughley, G., Brown, B. and Noble, J. 1985 Movement of kangaroos after a fire in mallee woodland. Australian Wildlife Research 12: 349–353.
102. Caughley, G. 1985 Harvesting of wildlife: past, present and future. p. 3–14 in S.L. Beasom and S.F. Roberson (eds). Game Harvest Management. Caesar Kleberg Wildlife Research Institute, Kingsville, Texas.
103. Grigg, G.C., Beard, L.A., Caughley, G., Grice, D., Fletcher, M. and Southwell, C. 1985 The Australian kangaroo populations, 1984. Search 16: 277–279.
104. Caughley, G. 1985 Address to the 37th annual conference of the New Zealand Deerstalkers' Association. New Zealand Wildlife 76: 12–15.
105. Grice, D., Caughley, G. and Short J. 1986 Density and distribution of the Australian bustard Ardeotis australis. Biological Conservation 35: 259–267.
106. Caughley, G. 1986 Rangelands, livestock and wildlife, the ecological equivalent of sulphur, saltpetre and charcoal. p. 545 in Joss, P. J., Lynch, P. W., and Williams, O. B. (eds), Rangelands, a Resource under Siege. Australian Academy of Science, Canberra.
107. Caughley, G. 1987 (REVIEW) Immigrant Killers: Introduced Predators and the Conservation of Birds in New Zealand by Carolyn King. Search 18: 55.
108. Caughley, G., Shepherd, N. and Short, J. (eds.). 1987 Kangaroos: Their Ecology and Management in the Sheep Rangelands of Australia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 253 pp. [Received Whitley Book Award Certificate of Commendation (1987)]
109. Caughley, G. 1987 Chapter 1: Introduction. In Caughley, G., Shepherd, N. and Short, J. (eds.). Kangaroos: Their Ecology and Management in the Sheep Rangelands of Australia. p. 1–13. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
110. Caughley, G. 1987 Chapter 10: Ecological relationships. In Caughley, G., Shepherd, N. and Short, J. (eds.). Kangaroos: Their Ecology and Management in the Sheep Rangelands of Australia. p. 159–187. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
111. Shepherd, N. and Caughley, G. 1987 Chapter 11: Options for management of kangaroos. In Caughley, G., Shepherd, N. and Short, J. (eds.). Kangaroos: Their Ecology and Management in the Sheep Rangelands of Australia. p. 188–219. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
112. Caughley, G. 1987 Drought and kangaroo populations: a response. Journal of Wildlife Management 51: 603–604.
113. Caughley, G. 1987 The distribution of eutherian body weights. Oecologia 74: 319–320.
114. Caughley, G., Short, J., Grigg, G.C. and Nix, H. 1987 Kangaroos and climate: an analysis of distribution. Journal of Animal Ecology 56: 751–761.
115. Caughley, G. 1988 The colonisation of New Zealand by the Polynesians. Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand 18: 245–270.
116. Short, J., Caughley, G., Grice, D., Brown, B. 1988 The distribution and relative abundance of camels in Australia. Journal of Arid Environments 15: 91–97.
117. Caughley, G., Grice, D., Barker, R. and Brown, B. 1988 The edge of the range. Journal of Animal Ecology 57: 771–785.
118. Caughley, G. 1988 Plant-herbivore interactions. p. 51–52 in A. E. Newton (ed) The Future of New Zealand's Wild Animals? New Zealand Deerstalkers' Association, Christchurch.
119. Caughley, G. 1988 Control of wild animals. p. 101–103 in A. E. Newton (ed) The Future of New Zealand's Wild Animals? New Zealand Deerstalkers' Association, Christchurch.
120. Caughley, G. 1988 (REVIEW) Collins Guide to the Mammals of New Zealand, by M. Daniel and A. Baker. Search 19: 231.
121. Caughley, G. 1988 Report to Tasmanian National Parks and Wildlife Service on fallow deer survey methods. Australian Deer 13(1): 13–18.
122. Caughley, G. 1988 A projection of ivory production and its implications for the conservation of African elephants. CSIRO Consultancy Report to CITES. 21 pp.
123. Caughley, G. 1989 New Zealand plant-herbivore systems: past and present. New Zealand Journal of Ecology 12 (Supplement): 3–10.
124. Gunn, A., Shank, C. and Caughley, G. 1989 Report of the workshop on management options for rapidly expanding muskox populations using Banks Island as an example. Canadian Journal of Zoology 67: A37–A38.
125. Caughley, G. 1989 (REVIEW) Red Deer in the Highlands by T.H. Clutton-Brock and S.D. Albon. Australian Zoologist 25: 93.
126. Caughley, G. 1989 (REVIEW) The Reindeer of South Georgia. The Ecology of an Introduced Population. by N. Leader-Williams. Journal of Animal Ecology 58: 1118.
127. Fletcher, M., Southwell, C.J., Sheppard, N.W., Caughley, G., Grice, D., Grigg, G.C., Beard, L.A. 1989 Kangaroo population trends in the Australian rangelands, 1980–1987. Search 21: 28–29.
128. Caughley, G. 1990 Seminar 2000 – Control of wild animals. New Zealand Wildlife 90, 35–36. Reprint of Caughley, G. (1988) Control of wild animals.
129. Barker, R.D. and Caughley, G. 1990 Distribution and abundance of kangaroos (Marsupialia: Macropodidae) at the time of European contact: Tasmania. Australian Mammalogy 13:157–166.
130. Caughley, G., Dublin, H. and Parker, I. 1990 Projected decline of the African elephant. Biological Conservation 54:157–164.
131. Grice, D., Caughley, G. and Brown, B. 1990 Accuracy of aerial surveys. CSIRO consultancy report to Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service. 31 pp.
132. Caughley, G., Brown, B. and Grice, D. 1990 Report on cockatoo damage to roofing membranes. CSIRO consultancy report to ICI. 5 pp.
133. Caughley, G. 1990 A review of wildlife research projects. Consultancy report to Department of Renewable Resources, Government of the North West Territories, Canada.
134. Caughley, G. 1991 (REVIEW) The Handbook of New Zealand Mammals. by C.M. King (ed.). New Zealand Journal of Zoology 18: 93.
135. Stewart, Justice Donald, Caughley, G., and James D. 1991 Resource Assessment Commission: Forest and Timber Inquiry Draft Report. Vols 1 and 2. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. 1300 pp.
136. Caughley, G. 1991 A matter of opinion. CoResearch, December, Issue 345, p. 7.
137. Macnab, John [pseudonym for Houston, D., Sinclair, A.R.E., Caughley, G. and Norton-Griffiths, M.] 1991 Does game cropping serve conservation? A re-examination of the African data. Canadian Journal of Zoology 69: 2283–2290.
138. Caughley, G. 1991 (REVIEW) Panbio-geography. Special Issue of New Zealand Journal of Zoology 16(4) 1989, 815 pp, for Australian Geographic Studies 29: 189–191.
139. Barker, R.D. and Caughley, G. 1992 Distribution and abundance of kangaroos (Marsupialia: Macropodidae) at the time of European contact: Victoria. Australian Mammalogy 15: 81–88.
140. Caughley, G., Pech, R. and Grice, D. 1992 Effect of fertility control on a population's productivity. Wildlife Research 19: 623–627.
141. Caughley, G. and Gunn, A. 1993 Dynamics of large herbivores in deserts: kangaroos and caribou. Oikos 67: 47–55.
142. Caughley, G. Grubb, P. and Peterson, C.H. 1993 Response by Australian Research Council to Report No. 6. Ecology 1986–1990. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. 48 pp.
143. Caughley, G. 1993 Elephants and economics. Conservation Biology 7: 943–945.
144. Caughley, G. and Sinclair, A.R.E. 1994 Wildlife Management and Ecology. Blackwells, Oxford and Boston. 334 pp.
145. Caughley, G. 1994 Directions in Conservation Biology. Journal of Animal Ecology 63: 215–244.
146. Caughley, G. and Gunn, A. 1996 Conservation Biology in Theory and Practice. Blackwell Science, Oxford. 459 pp.

Theses

1. Caughley, G. 1962 The Comparative Ecology of the Red and Grey Kangaroo. MSc Thesis, Zoology Department, University of Sydney. 177 pp.
2. Caughley, G. 1967 Growth, stabilisation and decline of New Zealand populations of the Himalayan thar (Hemitragus jemlahicus). PhD (Zoology) Thesis, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand. 155pp.
3. Caughley, G. 1978 The Dynamics of Mammalian Populations. DSc Thesis, University of Sydney.

Ken Cavill knew from his high school years that his career lay in science. Whilst completing his Bachelor of Science at the University of Sydney he chose to focus on organic chemistry and made his academic career in that field. 

Ken gained his PhD at Liverpool University in England in 1949 and was awarded a DSc from that university in 1957. He was employed during World War 2 at W. Hermon Slade & Co., and then as a lecturer in chemistry at Sydney Technical College, becoming a senior lecturer at the newly formed University of New South Wales (UNSW), where he had a distinguished career in research and teaching until his retirement in 1982. 

He received the first personal chair awarded by the university in 1964 and was made a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science in 1969. He was made an emeritus professor by UNSW in 1983. 

He actively pursued collaboration between chemistry and biology, and pioneered studies in Australia on the chemistry of insect venoms, attractants and repellents, leaving a legacy of a well-respected body of work in this field. 

Ken was awarded a Centenary of Federation Medal in 2001 for his service to Australian society and science in the field of organic biological chemistry. 

Pursuing his love of Australiana, he devoted his retirement to researching and writing about Australian silverware and jewellery manufacturers of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Supplementary material

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol. 29(2), 2018. It was written by Doreen V. Clark and Jennifer A. Genion

Written by Ian D. Rae.

Introduction

Geoffrey Malcolm Badger was Professor of Organic Chemistry at the University of Adelaide from 1955 to 1964 and, after serving briefly as a member of the CSIRO Executive, Vice-Chancellor from 1967 to 1977. Elected to Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science in 1960, he served on the Council and was President of the Academy from 1974 to 1978. He was President of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute in 1965 and Chairman of the Australian Science and Technology Council (ASTEC) from 1977 to 1982. During the Second World War, while working as a Lieutenant Instructor for the British Navy, he developed an interest in maritime navigation, and especially in Captain James Cook. Later, he edited the book Captain Cook: Navigator and Scientist and, in retirement, he wrote two books, Explorers of the Pacific (1988) and The Explorers of Australia (2001). He was admitted to the order of Australia (AO) in 1975 and knighted in 1979.

Family Information

Geoffrey Malcolm Badger was born in Port Augusta, South Australia, on 10 October 1916, second child of John McDougall Badger (1880–1949) and Laura Mary née Brooker (1884–1979). His sister, Kathleen Woodford Badger, had been born two years earlier and his brother, Hugh Gibson Badger, was born in 1921. Both parents came from large South Australian families, the father being the second of seven children of Gibson Badger (1853–1889) and his wife Annie (1857–1946), second of nine children of Scottish immigrants, Rev. and Mrs John McDougall (Badger 1985). Geoffrey’s mother was the daughter of William Brooker (1847–1935), an Adelaide businessman, and his wife Sarah Elizabeth (1857–1947) née Boundy.

In the late 19th century, the Badger family found themselves in straightened circumstances, and so John was obliged to leave school at age nine for paid employment. In ensuing years, he studied part-time and eventually became a chartered accountant. In 1914, he was employed as Senior Clerk by the Commonwealth Railways, which was extending the Trans-Australian Railway across the Nullarbor Plain to Western Australia, and so the family moved to Port Augusta, the eastern depot for the project (Luke 1997).

In 1920, the family moved to Gee-long, Victoria, where John Badger had been appointed as Company Secretary at the Commonwealth Woollen Mills at North Geelong (Geelong Business 2007).

School Education

Soon after reaching the age of four, Geoffrey went off to school at North Geelong Primary School, walking each way about a kilometre through the business district. ‘School’meant classes of about forty pupils, writing on slates, and standing to attention for the morning flag-raising ceremony. Both parents had strict moral values that they passed on to their children, and these were reinforced by weekly attendance at a nearby Presbyterian Sunday School and later by the choice of Christian schools for their children. The Scottish belief in the value of education had been inherited from immigrant grandparents and reinforced by John’s achievements, with the result that all three children went to Presbyterian colleges for their secondary schooling. Such education was costly, of course, and John Badger’s family made sacrifices; for example, not owning a car despite his managerial position. John Badger could give his time, however, and he served as Chairman of the Parents and Friends organization at Morongo College, where Kathleen was a pupil. To jump ahead in our story, all three children graduated from the University of Melbourne—Kathleen as Bachelor of Arts with Honours in 1935, Geoffrey in Science, and Hugh as Bachelor of Mechanical Engineering in 1944, following which he worked for the Commonwealth Department of Supply. Kathleen worked in Geelong for some years before completing a library science degree in Canada and serving as a librarian for the United Nations in a number of overseas locations.

Geelong College accepted Geoffrey into its preparatory year in 1927. While remaining a shy boy, he quickly put aside his apprehension about joining such a school although he was categorized with the ‘swots’ because of his love of reading. Joining the Boy Scouts and collecting stamps were fairly normal activities for a teenaged boy, and his interest in shipping was kindled by the proximity of home and school to the Geelong harbourside. Within a few years, Scouts had been replaced in his life by the school cadet corps, always a strong feature of Victoria’s private school system. Geoffrey enjoyed the drill (with Lee Enfield.303 rifles) and the camps, but not the boots or the puttees, and felt that he was doing his duty by learning to defend Australia. These founding influences would bear fruit in later life, as we shall see.

At Geelong College, he concentrated on Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry and English, along with French, Latin, Geography and History. In later life, and especially in view of his research into biologically active chemicals, he regretted that the school, like most boys-only schools, did not offer Biology as a subject. Sport was compulsory and so (without notable success) Geoffrey played cricket and football in house teams, and competed on the track. He enjoyed tennis on the church courts at weekends, and took day trips on his bicycle into the nearby countryside.

Although John Badger was never unemployed during the Depression, like many others he suffered salary cuts. It had been intended that Geoffrey should complete his studies at Geelong College, but once he had completed his Public Intermediate Certificate at the end of 1931 there was some pressure from home for him to get a job. The Headmaster, Rev. Frank Rolland, suggested a career in business as a manager or perhaps in a bank. Geoffrey’s preference for science, and in particular for chemistry, which had been his best subject, would have meant continuing at school, but a visit with his father to the Shell company’s laboratories in Melbourne and a conversation with the Chief Chemist there brought out another solution—transfer to a technical college to study for a diploma in industrial chemistry. Geoffrey’s younger brother, Hugh, who had just begun at Geelong College, stayed on through the end of 1939, following which he studied at the University of Melbourne.

Following this advice, Geoffrey started at the Gordon Institute of Technology in Geelong where he came under the influence of the head of chemistry, J. M. Hennessey, a qualified public analyst. He completed the diploma course in 1934; chemistry was the main subject but there was also some engineering. As the award of the certificate required industrial experience, it was several years before all the requirements for award of the diploma were completed.

Since the economic situation had begun to improve, John Badger supported his son’s desire to continue his education at the University of Melbourne, and they were both grateful for the support of a scholarship awarded by Trinity College that enabled Geoffrey to live in a residential college. The University gave credit for first year Chemistry, Natural Philosophy (Physics) and Mathematics on the basis of his diploma studies, thus enabling him to begin in the second year of the BSc course.

University Education and Beginning Research

Geoffrey’s record at school had been solid but undistinguished, and his university career continued that level of performance until he was able to concentrate on chemistry alone. In 1935, he achieved passes in Pure Mathematics and Chemistry, Honours in Natural Philosophy, and passes in both French and German language studies. He repeated the Chemistry and language scores in the third-year course in 1936 and also gained Honours in Metallurgy I, thus completing his Bachelor of Science degree. At the university, Geoffrey continued his military involvement by joining the Melbourne University Rifles in April 1935, for a three-year term. Technically, he was voluntarily enlisted in the Militia.

In 1937, Badger conducted research for his MSc degree at Melbourne, under the guidance of Associate Professor William Davies. Along the way, he was awarded a Minor Research Grant (£25) and in 1938 a Major Commonwealth Research Scholarship (£40). He finished with First Class Honours and was awarded the Bartlett Scholarship (£50) for research in chemistry. His thesis, completed in 1937, was entitled ‘Synthetic Plant Growth Hormones: The Acetic Acid Derivatives of Thianaphthene’. The synthesis of thianaphthene-acetic acids and exploration of their activity as synthetic plant hormones was Davies’ major interest at the time, although Badger’s contribution to this research programme was not published until twenty years later (95). There were continuing common interests, however, for example Davies’ research on the isolation of carcinogenic compounds from over-cooked foodstuffs (Anon 1966) that he began some years before Badger’s experiments on the formation of polycyclic hydrocarbons by high-temperature treatment of simpler organic substances (183).

Having completed his MSc, Badger was determined to continue with university research, but to do this he had to proceed overseas since the PhD degree was not to become available in Australia until after the war. On Davies’ recommendation, he was accepted by Professor J. W. Cook at the Chester Beatty Research Institute, Royal Cancer Hospital, London, and his research there was to set a pattern that he followed for many years. The University of Melbourne generously allowed Badger to continue to receive his scholarships during his first year at London, but his father had to pay for the voyage. In the later stages of his PhD research, he was supported by a Finney-Howell Research Fellowship.

As well as sharing Cook’s interest in chemicals that produce cancer, Badger sought chemicals that might inhibit tumour growth. New substances were synthesised in the laboratory and injected into rats and mice that already had tumerous tissue. The work produced a steady stream of publications (1–9) and after two years of intensive effort Badger was awarded the PhD degree in December 1940 for his thesis, ‘The Synthesis of Growth-inhibitory Compounds Related to the Carcinogenic Hydrocarbons’, supervised by Professor Cook and Dr C. L. Hewitt.

Badger had no trouble securing a position in the chemical industry with Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI) in the Manchester area, and on the strength of his new salary (£325 a year) he was able to marry Edith Maud Chevis, whom he had first met at the Chester Beatty Institute where she worked as a secretary. They spent a honeymoon in Huddersfield, the unlikely location being explained by his need to inspect ICI factories there as part of his induction into the industry. Seeing that he had expressed an interest in medicinals, ICI put him to work on a new plant for the production of sulphamerazine, which had antibiotic and was thought to have anti-malarial properties. It was in great demand in tropical theatres of war. Badger would not have known that at about this time Australian chemists were manufacturing sulphamerazine, having begun the project without British assistance, but with advice from the Adelaide professor whom Badger was eventually to succeed, A. Killen Macbeth (Weickhardt 1947).

Badger played his part in war-time civil society, first as a Gas Identification Officer in Chelsea (1939–1941) while he was studying in London, and then as a member of the Manchester Home Guard (1941–1943). Despite this and his industrial chemical contribution to the war effort, he hankered after a more direct involvement, but on application to join the forces he was told to return to his scientific work. Undaunted, he answered an advertisement placed by the Royal Navy in Nature for men with at least two years of university mathematics to serve as instructors in navigation. After an interview and a medical examination, he was accepted as an Acting Temporary Instructor Lieutenant to teach navigational methods, both coastal and astronomical, to naval recruits. The relevant teaching tool was theAdmiralty Navigation Manual, published in three volumes by His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1938–1939. Sporting a brand new officer’s uniform, he reported for three months’training at Bristol while his wife returned to live with her parents in London. After a week’s leave, he then reported for work at HMS Dauntless, a light cruiser launched in 1918 and used from 1943 as a training vessel based at Inverkeithing near Edinburgh. Subsequent periods of leave meant a train trip to London to spend the weekend with Edith, and an early morning return to duty.

Once the war ended, Badger wanted to return to civilian life, but he was not released until 1946, well after the war’s end, and only then when his old mentor, Professor Cook, wrote to the Admiralty. Badger was the recipient of one of the first ICI fellowships (Rae 1994), which enabled him to embark on a postdoctoral career with Cook who had by then moved to a Chair at the University of Glasgow. The Badgers rented a flat for the three years they were in Glasgow, and Geoffrey’s career advanced steadily as he worked under Cook’s direction and also provided day-to-day supervision of many of the professor’s graduate students. His published work (10–33) showed the concentration on polycyclic aromatic compounds and their biological activity that had begun with Cook in London. As Badger set sail for Australia in 1949, he was awarded the Glasgow DSc for a thesis entitled ‘Studies on the Relationship Between Chemical Constitution and Biological Action’.

Return to Australia

Towards the end of his three years in Glasgow, Badger began to explore opportunities in Australia. He was, for example, an unsuccessful applicant for the Sydney Chair of Organic Chemistry in 1948. He also wrote to all professors of chemistry in Australia asking whether there were or were likely to be vacancies for which he could apply. The only response came from Professor

A. Killen Macbeth at the University of Adelaide, and it was followed by an assessment of Badger by a Glasgow physicist contacted by the Adelaide hierarchy to ‘look over’ the prospective staff member. The report must have been favourable because Badger was offered a Senior Lecturer position that he took up in 1949.

While Badger was establishing a research group in Adelaide, publications arising from his work in Glasgow continued to appear in the journals (39, 46, 49, 54) Chemists traditionally list authors in alphabetical order and Badger benefited from this convention. The publication of his first ‘Adelaide’ research (34) was based on the work of his first Honours student, Ronald Pearce. Badger soon gathered around him an active group of Honours and PhD students and his and their interests were served by his attention to publishing their work (34, 37–38, 41, 45, 49, 50 and 55 with Pearce, for example) in multiple instalments. Like Cook, with whom he had spent two periods of research, and other organic chemists of the time, Badger established series of papers under common headings— substituted anthracene derivatives (eight papers), polynuclear heterocyclic systems (fifteen papers), aromatic azo compounds (eight papers), desulfurisation with activated metal catalysts (twenty-three papers), formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures (twenty-nine papers), porphyrins (eight papers) and photochemical reactions of azo compounds (six papers). In a few cases, numbered papers in the series appeared not over Badger’s name, but over those of his co-workers, who acknowledged his continuing interest. A Badger student from those early years whose subsequent career reached great heights was Rowland Pettit, who had completed an Honours degree with Macbeth then became Badger’s first PhD student (49, 50, 52, 55, 57, 58, 69). Later, as a professor at the University of Texas, Pettit was responsible for the synthesis of the iconic molecule, cyclobutadiene (Gilbert 1995).

In 1951, Badger was promoted to Reader, the senior sub-professorial grade, and then upon Macbeth’s retirement in 1955 he was appointed to the newly-created Chair of Organic Chemistry. In the preceding year, D. O. J. Jordan (1914–1982) had been appointed to the parallel Chair of Inorganic and Physical Chemistry and was probably responsible for ensuring that each of them was able to head a separate department, of organic chemistry and inorganic and physical chemistry, respectively. Such a division was seen in a number of British universities, although at Cambridge the division was between physical chemistry in one department and organic and inorganic chemistry in the other, while at Oxford there were four departments (inorganic, organic, physical and theoretical). In establishing departments and chairs, Australian universities had generally held to the one-professorone-department rule, according to which the establishment of a second chair in a discipline automatically led to the fission of the existing department. This may have been the driving force at Adelaide, as it had been at Sydney in 1915 when Robert Robinson was appointed to a new Chair of Organic Chemistry, and was certainly the case at the University of Western Australia, although a compromise was adopted there with the two departments (inorganic and physical chemistry, and organic chemistry) forming a school with common technical services and budget (Bayliss undated). The new Adelaide professors worked harmoniously together, providing great strength for chemistry in such arenas as the Professorial Board, and providing a model for the later separation of Pure and Applied Mathematics (Best 1987; Edgeloe 1987).

Much of Badger’s research in subsequent years was performed in conjunction with Graham Lewis, who shared with Badger a service background and research experience at the Chester Beatty Institute, and a great interest in the chemistry of aromatic azo compounds. Lewis served in the Royal Australian Air Force in the Second World War, afterwards entering the University of Adelaide under the Commonwealth Reconstruction Training Scheme and completing his BSc at about the time Badger took up his appointment. He was Badger’s Honours student of 1951 (44) and completed his PhD in 1955 (60, 65, 66, 67, 71). He was appointed to the Adelaide staff in 1956 after a postdoctoral period at the Chester Beatty Institute, and promoted successively to become a Reader in 1966.

Badger’s British experience and the prestige of Britain’s Chemical Society led to his publishing his research, apart from some specialist contributions, in the Society’s Journal of the Chemical Society until 1962 (last paper 133). Thereafter, however, his major publication vehicle became the Australian Journal of Chemistry (first paper 136). There is an obvious connection with Badger’s membership of the editorial board of the Australian journal 1960–1964, but CSIRO (publishers of the journal) were also asking leading Australian scientists to publish in their journals so as to lift their international profile (Walby 1976). Former colleagues at Adelaide recall that Badger encouraged them to follow his lead and publish the results of their research in the Australian Journal of Chemistry. The support by many ofAustralia’s leading chemists resulted in a rapid growth of the number of papers published in the journal, from 73 in 1960, to 157 in 1963, and 256 in 1965, and a change from quarterly publication to bimonthly in 1963 and then monthly from 1964.

Towards the end of his laboratory career, Badger produced what he regarded as his best work, the synthesis of a series of annulenes, organic substances with alternating double and single bonds in an eighteen-membered ring. The parent substance had been synthesized by the English chemist Franz Sondheimer (Jones and Garratt 1982) and found to possess aromatic character, resembling in that respect the benzene ring of six carbons when represented as having alternating bonds. Best (1987, p. 145) reports Badger as saying ‘I was sitting having coffee with Graham Lewis one morning. We were talking about the structure of 18-annulene. It has 6 hydrogen atoms inside the cyclic system and 12 external to the ring … Graham Lewis said it would be interesting to replace the six internal hydrogens with three atoms such as sulfur or oxygen. I agreed and went away. A short time later I returned with a possible method to synthesise such a compound’. The synthesis of 18-annulene trisulphide was effected by PhD student Jack Elix and reported in a short communication (156) and then in full detail (175). Subsequent syntheses by Elix of the oxygen analogue (189) and by U. P. Singh of a mixed oxide-sulphide (192) and a bridged disulphide (195) were reported, the last of these some years after Badger had left to take a senior position with CSIRO and then returned to lead the university.

Another piece of chemistry for which Badger is remembered, together with his then student Wolfgang Sasse (PhD 1957), is the coupling of two molecules of pyridine by dehydrogenation over finely divided, activated nickel metal (84). The product of the reaction, 2,2'-bipyridyl, was at that time of great interest as a precursor to substances with herbicidal activity, but no convenient synthetic routes to it were available. ICIANZ chemists in Melbourne recognized the significance of the Adelaide work, improved on it and patented the process in Australia and twenty-eight other countries (Varco 1960). It was subsequently employed on an industrial scale by their parent company, ICI UK, to produce the herbicide Diquat (Kolm 1988). Sasse was appointed to a lectureship after completing his degree, and was soon promoted to Senior Lecturer. In his research work, he collaborated extensively with Badger on work with activated metal catalysts (97, 98, 107, 109, 115, 118, 122, 129, 130, 152, 155, 157, 158, 159) before leaving Adelaide in 1964 for a position at CSIRO. Sasse was also the sole author of several papers in this numbered series. In Badger’s final chemistry publication, a whimsically-entitled article ‘Three Princes of Serendip: Chemical Discoveries by Accident and Sagacity’ (202), he reviewed a number of chemical discoveries that fitted his twin themes. He ended the piece with his own and Sasse’s work on active metal catalysis leading to the formation of 2,2'-bipyridyl, noting that ‘the first commercial production of diquat therefore resulted from serendipity’ since the 2,2'-bipyridyl had been formed from the solvent (pyridine) they chose in which to undertake a completely different reaction.

While most of Badger’s Adelaide research was classical organic chemistry, his eye for developing fields was exemplified by a number of publications in physical organic chemistry, especially spectroscopic work that was made possible by the increasing sophistication of scientific instruments and advanced techniques (45, 71, 81, 82, 83, 106, 111, 133, 153, 155, 197). In his extensive work on pyrolysis of organic compounds, the studies of mechanisms of reaction were facilitated by the use of labelling that enabled the fate of particular carbon atoms to be established (145, 161, 184, 185, 193, 194). A few papers reported work on Australian natural products (85, 114, 148). Badger wrote a number of reviews of fields of chemistry where he had established expertise (42, 43, 47, 63, 73, 86, 91, 96, 100, 134, 183, 198) and he published four books that were written for advanced undergraduate students and research scientists (74, 127, 128, 200). The Structure and Reactions of Aromatic Compounds, published in 1954, was republished in 1957, and was followed by The Chemistry of Heterocyclic Compounds (1961) and Aromatic Character and Aromaticity in 1969 (reprinted in Japanese and in Polish in 1971). In between came The Chemical Basis of Carcinogenicity (1962, reprinted in Russian in 1966).

Badger’s early interest in chemical carcinogenesis continued into his Adelaide years, but he could trace the field back beyond J. W. Cook, with whom he had first encountered this research field while studying for his PhD degree. Ernest Laurence Kennaway (1881–1958) had demonstrated that the tars produced in reactions of organic chemicals, and fluorescent hydrocarbons in particular, would produce cancers in experimental animals (Kennaway 1955). After Cook joined him in the late 1920s, they were able to show that certain polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons were responsible, and that 3,4-benzpyrene was especially potent. Badger noted this in his obituary of Kennaway (112) and in the 1960s conducted extensive experiments, published in collaboration with Dr Tom Spotswood, on thermal routes to aromatic hydrocarbons.

Badger enjoyed socializing with his graduate students and postdoctoral fellows. Best has reproduced a 1964 document in which Badger listed his associates and annotated the list with notes about their countries of origin and the names of girlfriends (Best 1987, pp. 146–147). We shall see the same attention to detail when Badger later walked a larger stage. His final lecture each year to the first-year class, no doubt intended to encourage them to proceed to second-year chemistry, was replete with jokes and anecdotes and illustrated with black-and-white slides. It was also widely attended by students who had enjoyed previous years’ performances. Text and slides for a number of these lectures are held by the University of Adelaide archives. Within the Department of Organic Chemistry, however, Badger, like his predecessor A. Killen Macbeth, ran a tight ship. Everybody was encouraged to work hard, and in consequence Badger was admitted by his graduate students to The Most Noble Order of the Grindstone. On Friday afternoons Badger toured the laboratories, conducting what was referred to as ‘Captain’s Inspection’, no doubt an echo of his Royal Navy days.

CSIRO and the ARGC

In 1964, Badger resigned from the University of Adelaide to become a member of the CSIRO Executive, chaired by Sir Frederick White (1905–1994). As Badger took up his appointment, the Executive was in the process of moving from Melbourne to Canberra, and so he and his wife relocated to the national capital and sold their Adelaide residence.

Badger was with CSIRO for only two years before he returned to the University of Adelaide. Although his work in Canberra and visits to universities and CSIRO Divisions around the country kept him in close contact with active researchers, Badger found that he missed the contact with students that he had had during his own research career, and this was an important factor in his decision to return to university life. The ‘student factor’ emerged again during his years as Vice-Chancellor.

In April 1965, while Badger was in Canberra, the Minister-in-Charge of Commonwealth Activities in Education and Research, Senator John Gorton, appointed him to the newly-formed Australian Research Grants Committee (ARGC), ostensibly as a ‘non-university person’ although he had only recently left the education sector for CSIRO. Badger’s accession to the position was no doubt due to the foundation chairman of the committee, Professor Rutherford (Bob) Robertson, who had been Professor of Botany at Adelaide and hence Badger’s colleague for some years. The duties of the ARGC involved assessment of applications for grant support and campus interviews with researchers, mainly from the sciences, but also from the humanities and social sciences. When it was announced that he would be returning to Adelaide, Badger resigned from the ARGC to avoid a conflict of interest, and another chemist, D. L. Ford, was appointed in his place.

Back to Adelaide

Badger accepted an invitation to become Deputy Vice-Chancellor at the University of Adelaide at a time when universities around Australia were strengthening their senior executive ranks by appointing deputy and pro-vice chancellors to share in the academic leadership of the institution and leave the vice-chancellor free to play a broader role. Simon Marginson, writing about this in his history of Monash University (Marginson 2000), ascribes the change to the influence of the American management expert, Peter Drucker, and his advocacy of ‘a small elite of visionary manager-leaders’. Adelaide had more than duty-sharing in mind, however, since the then Vice-Chancellor, Henry Basten, was to retire within about six months of Badger’s arrival and it was clear that succession planning was the reason for Badger’s recall.

Badger was Vice-Chancellor for ten years (1967–1977), a period when Australian universities had to respond to calls at two levels for greater participation in university governance. The two were linked, but played out under quite different circumstances. There was resistance from members of the University Council to changes that would see non-professorial staff and students elected to Council by their various electorates, but Badger was successful in bringing about this reform, which was enshrined in the University of Adelaide Act (1971) brought down by South Australia’s Dunstan government. Further down the university hierarchy, there were pressures to allow non-professorial staff to become heads of departments. Badger opposed this change, on the old-fashioned ground that a professor chosen for excellence in subject matter should be capable of running a department. He pointed out that junior staff could not be expected to exercise the same degree of care for governance and finance, career development and all the other responsibilities that had been devolved over the years to departmental level. The battle was lost in 1974, and while departmental governance was generally in the hands of senior academics with sub-professorial appointments, in a few cases even such junior staff as lecturers were elected to head departments. A profile published at the end of Badger’s time as vice-chancellor (Cockburn 1977) noted ‘the resignation of some first-class academics who found they could not mix scholarship with politicking’, but that regarding the expansion of participation in university governance, Badger felt that democratization had not been a recipe for mediocrity and that ‘in most departments the quality was very high’.

The other push for more involvement came from students, radicalized by Australia’s involvement in the Vietnam War and especially by the introduction in the late 1960s of selective (ballot-based) conscription of young Australian men for military service. Opposition to the war was a catalyst for the expression of other concerns, and Badger received delegations of students who came to his office to complain about the university’s lack of overt opposition to conscription and about social conditions that they said demanded the university’s attention.As at mostAustralian universities, there were large meetings in open spaces on the campus and, like most vice-chancellors, Badger was often in attendance and recognized by the students although choosing not to address the meetings. Universities must allow free speech, he felt, but their tradition of scholarship must be protected. The stance taken by Professor Bruce Williams, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Sydney at the time, was that the university was obliged to obey the law although it might test the law in court if it felt that this was warranted. Students, as citizens, could make up their own minds, but it was not in the power of the university to accede to their demands that the university defy the law concerning disclosure of information, for example (Williams 2005). Badger, however, was praised for risking prosecution under the Crimes Act when he (allegedly) ‘told the then federal Government that he’d go to gaol rather than let Government officials see student files to help them identify draft dodgers’ (Cockburn 1977).

It is fair to ask why Adelaide escaped the violence and prolonged disruption that marked student protest at some other Australian universities. Louis Matheson, Vice-Chancellor at Monash University, used words like ‘rebellion’, ‘occupation’ and ‘insurrection’ when he came to write about the troubles at Clayton, and he conceded that he had ‘allowed himself to become too personally involved’(Matheson 1980). Matheson addressed student meetings, thereby aligning himself with the ‘authority’ that radical students had chosen to oppose, and he faced a more determined student ginger group led by Albert Langer and the university Labor Club than existed at other Australian universities. In commenting on student unrest at Adelaide, Duncan and Leonard in their history of the University commented extensively and favourably on Badger’s ‘perceptive and sympathetic address’ at a Commemoration ceremony in May 1971, in which he advised that ‘both generations … need to be patient and tolerant’ and to keep open the channels of communication (Duncan and Leonard 1973). Leonard would have been among the ‘substantial proportion of sub-professorial staff’ who supported many of the students’ demands, and so it is perhaps not surprising that the authors were prepared to praise Badger for trying ‘to practise what he preached in his Commemoration address’.

An aspect of university life at which Badger excelled was wide-ranging informal discussion among colleagues. It was his custom to lunch each day at the Staff Club and to make a point of sitting with different people, discussing university business with them and seeking their points of view. Also, among the less confrontational aspects of his vice-chancellorship, Badger placed special importance on the establishment of an Aboriginal Music centre. His interest had been aroused by a staff member in the Department of Music whose specialty it was, and by a visit he paid to the Indulkana people in Central Australia. After several visits from tribal elders and meetings at which everyone including Badger sat on the floor of his office, the University accepted his proposal to establish the centre in North Adelaide.

An interesting evidence of Badger’s rapport with students was his contribution to a seminar organized by Friends of the Earth in 1972, when he posed the question ‘is modern technology a blueprint for destruction’ (205). Noting ‘that we are rapidly increasing pollution of the atmosphere, the seas and rivers, and the general environment’, Badger presciently went on to describe carbon dioxide as a serious pollutant because of the ‘glasshouse effect’, which could lead to ‘increase in ocean levels, flooding of coastal areas, and considerable changes in climate’. He took a similar line the following year in his Presidential Address to Section 2 (Chemistry) of the 44thANZAAS Congress in Sydney, but also included remarks about the consequences of the dispersal in the environment of pesticides such as DDT.The address was published by ANZAAS under the heading ‘The Quality of theAir:A Study of Pollution’ (201).

As Vice-Chancellor, Badger was very much a public figure. He helped to found the Friends of the Art Gallery of South Australia, and was the body’s inaugural President. As a further illustration of his interest in the visual arts, he played a crucial role in the purchase for the University in 1971 of a significant sculpture by Henry Moore, reclining connecting forms. He served on selection committees for a number of awards, and chaired a committee on worker participation in management, the report of which was adopted by the Dunstan government (206).

While he was Vice-Chancellor, he still found time for some chemistry, continuing his interest in aromatic molecules and writing his book Aromatic Character and Aromaticity (1968). He enjoyed the personal assistance of Jillian Teubner (née Donnelly) who had done research under his supervision for her BSc Honours and PhD degrees. Jillian and her husband Peter Teubner (Professor of Physics at Flinders University) remained close personal friends of the Badgers’ until Jillian’s untimely death in 2002. Following his retirement as Vice-Chancellor, Badger held a position as Research Professor in the Department of Organic Chemistry although he was no longer involved in experimental science. In November 1985, a dinner was held to commemorate the centenary of the teaching of chemistry at the University, which began with the appointment of Edward Rennie in 1885. Badger was the guest speaker at the dinner, and his remarks—including the claim that the Adelaide chemistry school was ‘better than most of the chemistry schools in the British provincial universities’—were reported in the campus newspaper (Lumen 1985). As part of the commemoration, the laboratories of the Department of Organic Chemistry were named the G. M. Badger Laboratories. Also marking the centenary, the University held a special meeting of the Assembly, chaired by Deputy Chancellor Hon. Justice Roma Mitchell, at which the oration was delivered by the Master of Christ’s College, Cambridge, Lord Todd. The connection with Badger would have been obvious to most, since Todd was the doyen of the world’s organic chemists and an old friend of Geoffrey Badger.

Australian Academy of Science

Badger was elected to Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science in 1960 and served theAcademy as a member of Council (1964–1967), Secretary (Physical Sciences) (1968–1972) and President (1974–1978). In 1967, the Academy established its Science and Industry Forum that brought together leaders from industry, government and science. At its first meeting, it resolved to prepare reports for consideration at further meetings and promulgation as expert advice to the nation (Fenner 2005). Badger led a group to ‘study and assess the need for a national science policy’and their report was published as Report No. 1 of the Forum (203). The report formed the basis for discussion at the October 1968 Forum meeting, and attracted the attention of the Minister for Education and Science, Malcolm Fraser. Fraser spoke on ‘Government approaches to science’ at the Forum’s subsequent meeting in February 1969 but, to the disappointment of some, without expressing support for the establishment of an advisory body. Fraser’s address was published by theAcademy later that year as a National Science and Industry Forum Report.

Badger had a strong interest in science policy, and as President he led the Academy to devote more of its efforts to developing independent advice to government. His first Presidential Paper (207) took a broad approach, while his second (208) emphasized the importance of basic science for Australia’s future. The views of theAcademy were readily transmitted to the Australian Science and Technology Council (ASTEC) discussed below, but it is sufficient to note here that Badger was also the chairman of ASTEC.

In 1975, Badger’s strong stand on the importance of science to technology brought him an invitation to speak at a conference in Chile organized by theAustralian Society for Latin American Studies. He and his wife spent a few days in November at Viña del Mar on the coast west of Santiago, then went on to Brazil as guests of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences, visiting universities and research establishments. In 1979, he and his wife were guests of the USSR Academy of Sciences as they visited Moscow and St Petersburg, pausing on the way to visit universities in the Tokyo region. The Australian Academy of Science holds extensive reports written by Badger on these 1970s visits.

Badger was a popular speaker in Australia. As well as serious addresses that served to promulgate his views on science and technology, there were addresses to a range of audiences on less serious or social occasions. The texts of a number of these witty talks are held by the Academy, and they reveal the careful preparation of material with jokes and other cues written on the manuscripts. His light-hearted talks were usually accompanied, however, by serious messages such as ‘there are no utopias’ and ‘as cynics have said, technology enables us to be more miserable in greater comfort’.

Australian Science and Technology Council (ASTEC)

The formation of a body that would be charged with providing advice to government on science (and later technology) was not supported by all sectors of the scientific community. Johnston and Buckley (1988) trace the origins of the idea back as far as 1951, and mention that the first formal proposal was made by the Academy of Science in 1957. They further note that CSIRO was concerned that, to the extent that they had played this advisory role in Australian science and technology, their influence would be diminished if a separate body were to be established. This view was expressed strongly by Sir Frederick White, with whom Badger had worked as a member of the CSIRO Executive, but later White became a supporter of the formation of ASTEC.

Agitation for the formation of an advisory body persisted through the 1960s, with approaches to government by senior figures in the science community such as Sir Mark Oliphant and Sir Leslie Martin, both Fellows of the Australian Academy of Science. The interest in science policy by the Academy was shared by other professional bodies, notably the Royal Australian Chemical Institute and the Australia and New Zealand Association for the Advancement of Science (ANZAAS), and the breadth of this support was influential in the decision of the McMahon coalition government in 1972 to set up an Advisory Committee of Science and Technology. Badger was a member of this committee, which was chaired by Louis Matheson,Vice-Chancellor of Monash University. The committee was dissolved upon the change of government later that year. Badger and some other fellows of the Academy were involved in discussion with the new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam, about the terms of reference for a successor body, but it was not until March 1974 that the Minister for Science, William Morrison, produced a green paper, Towards an Australian Science Council. Prime Minister Whitlam announced the terms of reference for ASTEC at the January 1975 ANZAAS Congress. This was followed soon afterwards by a white paper, Science and Technology in the Service of Society: The Framework for Australian Government Planning and in the same month the establishment of an Interim Australian Science and Technology Council.

In mid-1975, the Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration established a Science Task Force chaired by the chairman of the Commission, Dr H. C. Coombs, who in introducing it said that ‘It is important that scientists have the independence necessary for effective work but at the same time do not lose sensitivity to the needs of users of their work. We must seek the right way to organise science to meet the problems of the next decade.’ Shortly before the December 1975 election, the Government received the report of the Science Task Force, which recommended that ASTEC should report to the Prime Minister or a Minister assisting him, and that ‘there should be no Department of Science and no specifically designated minister for science’(Royal Commission 1975). This was clearly intended to free ASTEC from particular departments so it could play a ‘supra-departmental’ role.

The election brought another change of government and this led to changes being made toASTEC, which remained an interim body for some time. The Act to establish the permanent ASTEC was not passed until 1978 (incidentally expanding its full title to Australian Science, Technology and Engineering Council), although the members were appointed in April 1977. Badger was its chairman and three other members— Robertson, Nossal and Street—were Fellows of the Australian Academy of Science.

Badger spent two days each week in Canberra attending to his ASTEC duties, assisted by a small secretariat provided by government. His secretariat colleagues found him diligent, innovative and, most importantly, politically astute. On behalf of ASTEC, Badger reported directly to the Prime Minister, Malcolm Fraser, with whom he enjoyed a good relationship. This, however, tended to put Badger and ASTEC offside with the permanent heads of Commonwealth departments, some of whom resentedASTEC’s influence. Badger moved to neutralize this opposition by inviting the heads to sit with ASTEC members at most meetings, and they were soon won over as supporters, especially as they recognized the value of having both senior industrialists and scientists as ASTEC members.

Under Badger’s leadership, ASTEC produced reports dealing with the future of the Bureau of Mineral Resources, direct funding of basic research, marine science and technology,Australian telescopes, and a snapshot of science and technology in Australia (ASTEC 1978–1979). While few in the science community outside the reviewed organizations would have read the reports in full, their contents were summarized in the ANZAAS magazine, Search. That publication’s editor, Ronald Strahan, congratulated Badger and his colleagues on a ‘remarkable performance’ (Strahan 1979). While it is not always easy to assess the impact of ASTEC’s recommendations, some outcomes were clear. An earlier, internal review of the Bureau of Mineral Resources had not provided government with a clear picture of the possible future of the organization, but the recommendations in the ASTEC report were ‘just what the Government had been looking for’ and their acceptance by the Australian Government led to radical change in the organization’s structure (Wilkinson 1996). The Bureau (now after several changes of name, Geoscience Australia) was ‘changed, broadly speaking, from a survey body into a resource-oriented research organization’ (Campbell 1983).ASTEC’s telescope report followed on from an inquiry by an inter-departmental committee into future arrangements. It recommended the construction of a new radio synthesis telescope to be known as the ‘Australia Telescope’, and also that all future government-funded instruments should be national facilities (Gascoigne 1988). The ASTEC report led to provision of funding for the Australian Telescope and its completion by 1988 at Culgoora in New South Wales, and is credited as being a determining factor in the advance of Australian astronomy (Collis 2002; Frater 2008). The marine science work began with an ASTEC working party that identified the main themes, and ASTEC’s 1977 annual report recommended greater co-ordination of marine science and technology and formation of a permanent co-ordinating body, the Australian Marine Science and TechnologyAdvisory Committee (AMSTAC). This body was established in 1979 and initially reported to ASTEC, which proceeded in its Marine Science and Technology report to recommend additional funding including for a new CSIRO oceanographic research vessel. ‘The Prime Minister listened’ and the ‘policy advice was implemented’ (Watson and Baker 1988), although one of the affected bodies, the Australian Institute of Marine Science, in Townsville, was prepared to concede only that ‘the impact of AMSTAC on AIMS activities was mostly positive’ (Bell 1998).

ASTEC also produced discussion papers, notably one on industrial innovation and another, written for the Council by Professor Ron Johnston, on science indicators and their role in Australian science policy. The Johnston document came in for heavy criticism by theANZAAS correspondent, David Denham (1979).

Apart from the formal presentation of ASTEC reports, Badger had many opportunities as an invited speaker to bring ASTEC’s thinking before other audiences.

A major example was his opening address to the Fourth National Physics Congress, organized by the Australian Institute of Physics and held in Melbourne in August 1980 (209). Addressing ‘The Role of Government in Australian Science’, Badger emphasized that ‘close government involvement with, and support for, science and technology is essential to the future wellbeing of Australia’ and that what we ‘can loosely call a national science policy, is now being actively developed’. Such a policy never appeared. The matter is still raised occasionally by the science community but is not acted upon by government.

Badger’s health began to fail in 1982. He required open-heart surgery and was advised that in future he needed to avoid stress, so he resigned his ASTEC position. Following a review by the Chief Scientist in 1997, the functions of ASTEC were subsumed by those of the recently-formed Prime Minister’s Science, Engineering and Innovation Council. At the second reading of the repeal Bill, the work of ASTEC was praised, most explicitly by Senator Stott Despoja, on account of the ‘broad perspective on science, engineering and technology matters’ that it brought to Parliament (Stott Despoja 1998).

Writing about Explorers

It is the tradition of the Australian Academy of Science to hold a symposium in conjunction with their Annual General Meeting, and in May 1969 the occasion was used to prepare for the bicentenary of Captain James Cook’s first visit toAustralian shores. Badger’s latent interest in explorers and navigation appeared in public for the first time, when he delivered a paper entitled ‘Cook, the Scientist’and then acted as editor for the publication of the collected papers from the symposium (204).A review of the volume in a leading history of science journal labeled it ‘a useful summary of information about James Cook, his voyages and their scientific results’, but the review devoted most space to the technical nature of Badger’s paper (Bylebyl 1972).

In retirement, Badger again took up this interest, studying historical literature and visiting many places on the Australian coast and in the Pacific Islands to which Cook’s voyages had taken him, with a special interest in Hawai’i. This gave rise to The Explorers of the Pacific (210). Badger’s research covered the voyages of Polynesian settlers and Spanish explorers, but most space was devoted to French and British visits in the period from 1750 to 1850. The book was extensively illustrated with maps, botanical and zoological sketches, and photographs of paintings and Pacific locations. Historians probably saw the book as ‘popular’ and so their scholarly journals did not review it, but a New Scientist reviewer (Reader 1989) was enthusiastic, praising it as a ‘substantial book … a window on the subject which has captivated its author for years, if not a lifetime’ and giving a tonguein-cheek warning to the reader that ‘such enthusiasm is contagious’. A review by a fellow organic chemist, Emeritus Professor John Swan (1989), strongly recommended it as a present for ‘any budding scientist, or budding historian’. A second edition, in paperback and revised and enlarged, followed eight years later (211). The appendix on Dead Reckoning no doubt owed something to Badger’s naval work in the 1940s, since in it he introducedTraverseTables and discussed the advantages of the Mercator projection and its associated rhumb lines.

Through the 1990s, Badger worked on another ‘explorer’ book, this time about the land-based exploration of Australia (212). In the Acknowledgments in this work, Badger notes that his illness in 1999 and the need for several operations had meant that he needed assistance to finish the book and that this had been forthcoming. In both his explorer books, Badger provided a wealth of detail about navigation, diet and other technical matters. A number of the photographs were his own, again attesting to his research travels.

Recognition

Badger had a long association with the professional body for chemists in Australia, the (later Royal) Australian Chemical Institute (RACI). He joined the Institute in 1938 and became a Fellow in 1952. Soon after his return to Australia, he was awarded the RACI’s H. G. Smith Medal for the best record of research conducted largely inAustralia by a member of the RACI during the preceding ten years. He was president of the South Australian Branch in 1958, and RACI President in 1965. The Institute recognized his contributions with its highest award, the Leighton Memorial Medal, in 1971. The citation, read by the then President of the Institute, Professor Bruce West (an Adelaide graduate and one-time colleague of Badger’s) noted that the award was ‘for his leadership in Australian scientific research, for his contribution to Australian science through his active participation in the CSIRO, for his active participation in the Council of the Academy of Science, and for his leadership in guiding the University of Adelaide’ (Anon 1973). His Leighton Memorial Award lecture, which included some events from his own career, was published in 1973 (202) and has been discussed above.

He was Abbott Lecturer in 1964 for the Sydney University Chemical Society, R. K. Murphy Lecturer in 1965 for the Science Association of the University of New South Wales, and in 1974 he was awarded the W. D. Chapman Memorial Lecture and Medal of the Institution of Engineers Australia. He was a Dominion Fellow at St John’s College, Cambridge, during a study leave in 1958, and a Governor of the Ian Clunies Ross Memorial Foundation 1975–1978.

In 1956, he was the Liversidge Lecturer for the Royal Society of New South Wales, which published his address in its Journal and Proceedings (91). Two years later, ANZAAS presented him with its Liversidge Award and published the award lecture (108). He was the Association’s President 1979–1980, presiding over the 50th Congress, held in Adelaide in 1980. In 1981, he was awarded the ANZAAS Medal for service to the advancement of science.

Badger became an Officer in the Order of Australia (AO) in June 1975 and four years later was created Knight Bachelor, the citations for both mentioning his service to science and education. In the period from 1985 to1988, he was President of the South Australian Branch of the Order of Australia Association, and he was national president of the Association from 1989 to 1992. He received the honorary degree of Doctor of the University from the University of Adelaide in 1980. In 1978, he was elected to Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Technological Sciences, and he was also a fellow of the Australian College of Education (1969) and of the Australian Institute of Management (1974).

One of Badger’s ASTEC colleagues, Arvi Parbo, was responsible for his becoming a non-executive director on the Board of the Western Mining company after a vacancy arose in December 1979.The value of non-executive directors lies in their ability to ask questions, and Badger was very good at that, according to Parbo (2007). He contributed ‘in this way to proper analysis of proposals put before the Board, especially their technical aspects. He also liked to visit operations, had no difficulty communicating with people of all kinds and asking them perceptive and searching questions in a pleasant and constructive manner’, Parvo added. Badger served until 1988, when he reached the age of compulsory retirement for directors, 72 years.

Death and Biographical Detail

Sir Geoffrey BadgerAO died on 23 September 2002 and was survived by his wife, Lady Edith Badger OAM. Her Medal in the Order of Australia had been awarded in June 1982 in recognition of her service to the community, particularly through the Meals on Wheels organization.

Brief obituaries were published by the Australian Academy of Science (Beckwith 2003–2004) and by the University of Adelaide newspaper (Anon 2002a). A more extensive piece appeared in the Adelaide daily newspaper The Advertiser (Brice 2002) and was reproduced by the Royal Australian Chemical Institute (Brice 2003). There was also an obituary published in Britain (Anon 2002b). The RACI also published a longer statement by a South Australian Fellow, John Mason (2003). Giving rather more detail than the others, Mason’s obituary concluded by describing Badger as a ‘private man who gave so much to chemistry, education and history’.This theme had been struck in a profile published in The Advertiser on Badger’s last day as Vice-Chancellor (Cockburn 1977). Headed ‘A Professor of Peace’, this described Badger as an ‘urbane, reticent, modest and self-controlled’ man ‘who had led the university with distinction and played prominent roles in Australian science’.

Despite his prominent position in the world of chemistry, as a university leader and a major figure in the work of leading scientists and industrialists to provide sound advice to government on matters scientific and technological, Badger is always described by those who knew him as a very private man. Close study of his work reveals a complementary meticulousness to which his lectures, his research publications and the documents now preserved in archives in Adelaide and Canberra all attest. In professional life, Badger set very high standards for himself and inspired others to meet them, too. They did, because his judgment was respected and his creativity admired. Very few of his colleagues would claim to have known him well, however, although a small number remained close to the Badgers long after Geoffrey’s withdrawal from public life.

References

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Bibliography

Scientific Papers and Books

1. G. M. Badger and J. W. Cook (1939). Synthesis of growth-inhibitory polycyclic compounds. I. J. Chem. Soc., 802–806.
2. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and F. Goulden (1940). Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. XXI. J. Chem. Soc., 16–18.
3. G. M. Badger and J. W. Cook (1940). Synthesis of growth-inhibitory polycyclic compounds. II. J. Chem. Soc., 409–412.
4. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook, C. L. Hewett, E. L. Kennaway, N. M. Kennaway, R. H. Martin and A. M. Robinson (1940). Production of cancer by pure hydrocarbons. V. Proc. Roy. Soc. (London) B129, 439–467.
5. G. M. Badger, F. Goulden and F. L. Warren (1941). Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. XVII. J. Chem. Soc., 18–20.
6. G. M. Badger (1941). Derivatives of o-1-naphthoylbenzoic acid and 1-benzylnaphthalene-2^/-carboxylic acid. J. Chem. Soc., 351–352.
7. G. M. Badger (1941). Synthesis of growth-inhibitory polycyclic compounds. III. J. Chem. Soc., 535–538.
8. G. M. Badger, L. A. Elson, A. Haddow, C. L. Hewett and A. M. Robinson (1942). Inhibition of growth by chemical compounds. Proc. Roy. Soc. (London) B130, 255–299.
9. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook, C. L. Hewett, E. L. Kennaway, N. M. Kennaway and R. H. Martin (1942). Production of cancer by pure hydrocarbons. VI. Proc. Roy. Soc. (London) B131, 170–182.
10. G. M. Badger (1946). Biological activity of compounds in homologous series. Nature 158, 585.
11. G. M. Badger (1947). Molecular asymmetry and biological activity. Nature 159, 194–195.
12. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and W. P. Vidal (1947). Activating influence of para groups on the lability of chlorine in chlorobenzenes. J. Chem. Soc., 1109.
13. G. M. Badger (1947). Oxidations and dehydrogenations with selenium dioxide. J. Chem. Soc., 764–766.
14. G. M. Badger (1947). Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. XXXII. 2-Methoxy-and 2-methoxy-7,12-dimethylbenz[a]anthracene. J. Chem. Soc., 940–943.
15. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and G. W. Crosbie (1947). Chloromethylation of naphthalene and of tetralin. J. Chem. Soc., 1432–1434.
16. G. M. Badger and R. I. Reed (1948). Relative reactivities of aromatic double bonds. Nature 161, 238.
17. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook, G. M. S. Donald, J. D. P. Graham and T. Walker (1948). Synthetic analgesics. Nature 162, 21.
18. G. M. Badger (1948). Modified synthesis of chrysene. J. Chem. Soc., 999–1001.
19. G. M. Badger (1948). Polycyclic aromatic amines. I. J. Chem. Soc.,1756–1759.
20. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and T. Walker (1948). Synthesis of piperidine derivatives. II. Aryldecahydroquinolines. J. Chem. Soc., 2011–2017.
21. G. M. Badger (1948). The carcinogenic hydrocarbons: chemical constitution and carcinogenic activity. Brit. J. Cancer 2, 309–350.
22. G. M. Badger, W. Carruthers, J. W. Cook and R. Schoental (1949). Isomerization reactions. I. J. Chem. Soc., 169–173.
23. G. M. Badger (1949). Relative reactivity of aromatic double bonds. J. Chem. Soc., 456–463.
24. G. M. Badger and A. R. M. Gibb (1949). Polycyclic aromatic amines. II. J. Chem. Soc., 799–803.
25. G. M. Badger, J. E. Campbell and J. W. Cook (1949). Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. XXXIV. Cyclization of α,β-diphenylglutaric anhydride. J. Chem. Soc., 1084–1088.
26. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and T. Walker (1949). The synthesis of piperidine derivatives. III. 5-Phenyl-1-azabicyclo[3.3.1] nonane. J. Chem. Soc., 1141–1144.
27. G. M. Badger, W. Carruthers and J. W. Cook (1949). Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. XXXV. Isomerization in the perinaphthene series. J . Chem. Soc., 1768–1771.
28. G. M. Badger, W. Carruthers and J. W. Cook (1949). Isomerization reactions. II. J. Chem. Soc., 2044–2048.
29. G. M. Badger (1949). Interpretation of some elimination reactions in disubstituted dihydro-derivatives of aromatic compounds. J. Chem. Soc., 2497–2501.
30. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and G. M. S. Donald (1950). Synthesis of piperidine derivatives. IV. 4-Phenyl-piperidols. J. Chem. Soc., 197–199.
31. R. R. Aitken, G. M. Badger and J. W. Cook (1950). Isomerization reactions. III. J. Chem. Soc., 331–335.
32. G. M. Badger (1950). Addition of osmium tetroxide to dinaphthylethylenes. Nature 165, 647–649.
33. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook, P. A. Ongley and R. Schoental (1950). Chemistry of the Mitragyna genus. J. Chem. Soc., 867–873.
34. G. M. Badger, M. L. Jones and R. S. Pearce (1950). Substituted anthracene derivatives. I. cis-and trans-9,10-Dimethyl-9,10-dihydroanthracene. J. Chem. Soc., 1700–1702.
35. G. M. Badger and K. R. Lynn (1950). Relative reactivity of aromatic double bonds. II. Addition of osmium tetroxide to substituted 1,2-benzanthracenes. J. Chem. Soc., 1726–1729.
36. G. M. Badger (1950). The relative reactivity of aromatic double bonds. III. The relation between double-bond character and the velocity of addition of osmium tetroxide. J. Chem. Soc., 1809–1814.
37. G. M. Badger and R. S. Pearce (1950). Substituted anthracene derivatives. II. An example of 1,5-anionotropic rearrangement. J. Chem. Soc., 2311–2314.
38. G. M. Badger and R. S. Pearce (1950). Substituted anthracene derivatives. III. Further examples of 1,5-anionotropic rearrangements. J. Chem. Soc., 2314–2318.
39. G. M. Badger, J. E. Campbell, J. W. Cook, R. A. Raphael and A. I. Scott (1950). Synthesis of 4,5-dimethylphenanthrene. J. Chem. Soc., 2326–2328.
40. G. M. Badger and R. T. Howard (1950). Schmidt reaction with unsymmetrical ketones. Chemistry & Industry, 601–602.
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42. G. M. Badger (1950). Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. J. & Proc. Roy. Aust. Chem. Inst. 17, 14–30.
43. G. M. Badger (1950). Chemical constitution and biological action. Aust. J. Sci. 12, 198–204 and 225.
44. G. M. Badger and G. E. Lewis (1951). Rates of oxidation of azonaphthalenes. Nature 167, 403–404.
45. G. M. Badger and R. S. Pearce (1951). Absorption spectrum of rubrene in different solvents. Spectrochim. Acta 4, 280–283.
46. G. M. Badger, J.W. Cook and G. M. S. Donald (1951). Synthesis of piperidine derivatives. V. Decahydroisoquinolines. J. Chem. Soc., 1392–1397.
47. G. M. Badger (1951). The aromatic bond. Quart. Rev. (London) 5, 147–170.
48. G. M. Badger andA. F. Beecham (1951). Isolation of tetrahydroharman from Petalostyles labicheoides. Nature 168, 517–518.
49. M. Badger, R. S. Pearce and R. Pettit (1951). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. I. Introduction. J. Chem. Soc., 3199–3203.
50. G. M. Badger, R. S. Pearce and R. Pettit (1951). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. II. Hydroxy derivatives. J. Chem. Soc., 3204–3207.
51. G. M. Badger, J. H. Seidler and B. Thomson (1951). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. III. The 3,4-benzacridine-5,10-dihydro-3,4-benzacridine complex. J. Chem. Soc., 3207–3211.
52. G. M. Badger and R. Pettit (1951). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. IV. The linear pentacyclic compounds. J. Chem. Soc., 3211–3215.
53. G. M. Badger, J.W. Cook and A. R. M. Gibb (1951). Reaction of ethyl diazoacetate with anthracene, 1,2-benzanthracene, and pyrene. J. Chem. Soc., 3456–3459.
54. G. M. Badger, J. W. Cook and F. Schwarz (1952). Fluorene derivatives related to amidone. J. Chem. Soc., 117–118.
55. G. M. Badger, R. S. Pearce and R. Pettit (1952). Substituted anthracene derivatives.V. The conjugating powers of the substitution positions in 1,2-benzanthracene. J. Chem. Soc., 1112–1116.
56. G. M. Badger (1952). Substituted anthracene derivatives. VI. 9-(1-Propenyl)–10-propylanthracene. J. Chem. Soc., 1175–1178.
57. G. M. Badger and R. Pettit (1952). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. V. 5,8-Diazapentaphene. J. Chem. Soc., 1874–1877.
58. G. M. Badger and R. Pettit (1952). Polynuclear heterocyclic system. VI. Tetraazabenzopentaphene and related compounds. J. Chem. Soc., 1877–1882.
59. G. M. Badger, R. T. Howard and A. Simons (1952). Schmidt reaction with unsymmetrical ketones. J. Chem. Soc., 2849–2852.
60. G. M. Badger and G. E. Lewis (1952). The carcinogenic azo compounds: Chemical constitution and carcinogenic activity. Brit. J. Cancer 6, 270–292.
61. G. M. Badger (1952). Addition of ozone to aromatic bonds. Rec. Trav. Chim. Pays-Bas Belg. 71, 468–472.
62. G. M. Badger,W. Carruthers and J.W. Cook (1952). Derivatives of 1,2-cyclopentenophenanthrene. J. Chem. Soc., 4996–5000.
63. G. M. Badger (1952). Molecular asymmetry and biological action. Aust. J. Sci. 15, 85–89 and 117–122.
64. G. M. Badger and H. A. McKenzie (1953). Bond orders in aromatic compounds. Nature 172, 458–459.
65. G. M. Badger, R. G. Buttery and G. E. Lewis (1953). Aromatic azo compounds I. Oxidation of cis- and trans-azobenzene. J. Chem. Soc., 2143–2147.
66. G. M. Badger and G. E. Lewis (1953). Aromatic azo compounds. II. Oxidation of substituted azobenzenes. J. Chem. Soc., 2147–2150.
67. G. M Badger and G. E. Lewis (1953). Aromatic azo compounds. III. Oxidation of azonaphthalenes and phenylazonaphthalenes. J. Chem. Soc., 2151–2155.
68. G. M. Badger and R. G. Buttery (1953). Aromatic azo compounds. IV.Absorption spectra of azo and azoxy compounds. J. Chem. Soc., 2156–2158.
69. G. M. Badger and R. Pettit (1953). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. VII. Syntheses using the Elbs reaction. J. Chem. Soc., 2774–2778.
70. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis and R. T.W. Reid (1954). Carcinogenic azo compounds. Nature, 173, 313–314.
71. G. M. Badger, R. G. Buttery and G. E. Lewis (1954). Aromatic azo compounds. V. The absorption spectra of N-substituted 4-aminoazobenzenes and their mono-acid salts. J. Chem. Soc., 1888–1890.
72. G. M. Badger, H. J. Rodda and W. H. F Sasse (1954). Synthetic applications of the desulfurization reaction. Chem. & Ind., 308.
73. G. M. Badger (1954). Chemical constitution and carcinogenic activity. Adv. Cancer Res. 2, 73–127.
74. G. M. Badger (1954). The Structures and Reactions of the Aromatic Compounds (Cambridge University Press: London).
75. G. M. Badger and R. G. Buttery (1954). Aromatic azo compounds. VI. The action of light on azoxy compounds. J. Chem. Soc., 2243–2245.
76. G. M. Badger and J. H. Seidler (1954). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. VIII. Synthetic applications of the Schmidt reaction. J. Chem. Soc., 2329–2333.
77. G. M. Badger, R. S. Pearce, H. J. Rodda and I. S. Walker (1954). Substituted anthracene derivatives. VII. Examination of naphthacene endooxide derivatives. J. Chem. Soc., 3151–3160.
78. G. M. Badger and I. S. Walker (1954). Substituted anthracene derivatives. VIII. Conjugating powers of substitution positions in 3,4-benzophenanthrene. J. Chem. Soc., 3238–3240.
79. G. M. Badger, I. J. McCarthy and H. J. Rodda (1954).The reactions of 1-chlorophthalazine. Chem. & Ind., 964.
80. G. M. Badger, H. J. Rodda and W. H. F. Sasse (1954). Synthetical applications of desulfurization reaction. I. Synthesis of fatty acids. J. Chem. Soc., 4162–4168.
81. G. M. Badger and R. G. Buttery (1955). Aromatic azo compounds.VII.The synthesis and absorption spectra of some azoquinolines. J. Chem. Soc., 2816–2818.
82. G. M. Badger and I. S. Walker (1956). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. IX. n-π *-Transitions in the spectra of aromatic aza hydrocarbons. J. Chem. Soc., 122–126.
83. G. M. Badger and R. G. Buttery (1956). Aromatic azo compounds. VIII. Intramolecular hydrogen bonding in 8-hydroxyquinoline. J. Chem. Soc., 614–616.
84. G. M. Badger and W. H. F. Sasse (1956). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. II. Formation of heterocyclic biaryls. J. Chem. Soc., 616–620.
85. G. M. Badger and W. Korytynk (1956). Examination of honey in Australian honey-ants. Nature 178, 320–321.
86. G. M. Badger (1956). Miscellaneous chemical carcinogens: chemical constitution and carcinogenic activity. Brit. J. Cancer 10, 330–356.
87. G. M. Badger and R. G. Buttery (1956). 8-Mercaptoquinoline. J. Chem. Soc., 3236– 3237.
88. G. M. Badger and B. J. Christie (1956). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. X. Elbs reaction with heterocyclic ketones. J. Chem. Soc., 3435–3437.
89. G. M. Badger and B. J. Christie (1956). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. XI. Absorption spectra of compounds containing 5-membered rings. J. Chem. Soc., 3438– 3442.
90. G. M. Badger and J. F. Stephens (1956). Fluorine-substituted polycyclic compounds. J. Chem. Soc., 3637–3640.
91. G. M. Badger (1956). Recent advances in the chemistry of the aromatic compounds. J. Proc. Roy. Soc. NSW 90, 87–99.
92. G. M. Badger and W. F. H. Sasse (1957). Phenanthridines. I. Synthesis of bromophenanthridines. J. Chem. Soc., 4–8.
93. G. M. Badger and N. Kowanko (1957). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. III. Desulfurization of thiazoles with Raney nickel. J. Chem. Soc., 1652–1657.
94. G. M. Badger, P. R. Jeffries and R. W. L. Kimber (1957). Synthesis of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. I. Synthesis of optically active 9,10-dihydrodinaphtho (2^',3'-3,4)(2^",3"-5,6)phenanthrene, and a new synthesis of pentaphene. J. Chem. Soc., 1837–1841.
95. G. M. Badger, D. J. Clark, W. Davies, K. T. H. Farrer and N. P. Kefford (1957). Thianaphthenecarboxylic acids. J. Chem. Soc., 2624–2630.
96. G. M. Badger (1957). Intramolecular hydrogen bonding in organic chemistry. Revs. Pure Appl. Chem. 7, 55–68.
97. G. M. Badger and W. H. F. Sasse (1957). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. IV. Formation of dimeric products during desulfurizations. J. Chem. Soc., 3862–3867.
98. G. M. Badger, B. J. Christie, J. M. Pryke and W. H. F. Sasse (1957). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. V. Desulfurization of flavophene and of tetraphenylthiophene. J. Chem. Soc., 4417–4419.
99. G. M. Badger and B. J. Christie (1958). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. XII. Further examples of the Elbs reaction with heterocyclic ketones. J. Chem. Soc., 913–915.
100. G. M. Badger and B. J. Christie (1958). Reactions of ethyl diazoacetate with heterocyclic systems, in A. Albert, G. M. Badger, and C. W. Shoppee, eds. Current Trends in Heterocyclic Chemistry, Proc. Symposium, Canberra (Academic Press Inc.), pp. 1–7.
101. G. M. Badger, B. J. Christie, H. J. Rodda and J. M. Pryke (1958). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. XIII. Reaction of ethyl diazoacetate with naphthalene and its heterocyclic analogs. J. Chem. Soc., 1179–1184.
102. G. M. Badger, R. G. Buttery, R. W. L. Kimber, G. E. Lewis, A. G. Moritz and I. M. Napier (1958). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. I. Introduction. J. Chem. Soc., 2449–2452.
103. G. M. Badger and R. W. L. Kimber (1958). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. II. Examination of “Schroeter Tar”. J. Chem. Soc., 2453–2454.
104. G.M.Badger,R.G. Buttery, R.W. L. Kimber, G. E. Lewis, A. G. Moritz and I. M. Napier (1958). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. III. Pyrolysis of 1-(4-phenylbutyl)naphthalene. J.Chem. Soc., 2455–2458.
105. G. M. Badger and R. G. Buttery (1958). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. IV. Pyrolysis of styrene. J. Chem. Soc., 2458–2463.
106. G. M. Badger and A. G. Moritz (1958). Intramolecular hydrogen bonding in 8-hydroxyquinolines. J. Chem. Soc., 3437–3442.
107. G. M. Badger, H. J. Rodda and J. M. Sasse (1958). The reaction of ethyl diazoacetate with thianaphthene. J. Chem. Soc., 4777–4779.
108. G. M. Badger (1958). Activated metal catalysts in organic syntheses. Aust. J. Sci. 21, P45–P51.
109. G. M. Badger, N. Kowanko and W. H. F. Sasse (1959). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. VI. Desulfurizations with Raney cobalt. J. Chem. Soc., 40–444.
110. G. M. Badger and T. M. Spotswood (1959). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. V. Pyrolysis of 1-phenyl-1,3-butadiene. J. Chem. Soc., 635–1641.
111. G. M. Badger and A. G. Moritz (1959). The CH-stretching bands of methyl groups attached to polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. Spectrochim. Acta 15, 672–678.
112. I. Heiger and G. M. Badger (1959). Ernest Lawrence Kennaway, 23rd May 1881–1st January 1958. J. Pathol. Bacteriol. 78, 593–606.
113. G. M. Badger and R. W. L. Kimber (1960). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. VI. Pyrolysis of Tetralin. J. Chem. Soc., 266–270.
114. G. M. Badger and R. B. Bradbury (1960). Alkaloids of Kreysigia multiflora. I. Isolation. J. Chem. Soc., 445–447.
115. G. M. Badger,N.Kowanko andW. H. F. Sasse (1960). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. IX. A comparison of the desulfurizing abilities of some transition metals. J. Chem. Soc., 1658–1662.
116. G. M. Badger and R. W. L. Kimber (1960). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. VII. Pyrolysis of indene. J. Chem. Soc., 2746–2749.
117. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis and I. M. Napier (1980). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures, VIII. Pyrolysis of acetylene. J. Chem. Soc., 2825–2827.
118. G. M. Badger,N.Kowanko andW. H. F. Sasse (1960). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. X. Desulfurization of thianaphtheno [3,2-b]thianaphthene. J. Chem. Soc., 2969–2972.
119. G. M. Badger, R. W. L. Kimber and T. M. Spotswood (1960). Mode of formation of 3,4-benzopyrene in human environment. Nature 187, 663–665.
120. G. M. Badger and T. M. Spotswood (1960). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. IX. Pyrolysis of toluene, ethylbenzene, propylbenzene, and butylbenzene. J. Chem. Soc., 4420–4427.
121. G. M. Badger and T. M. Spotswood (1960). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XI. Pyrolysis of 1,3-butadiene and of 1,3-butadiene with pyrene. J. Chem. Soc., 4431–4437.
122. G. M. Badger, G. D. F. Jackson and W. H. F. Sasse (1960). Synthetical applications of activated metal catalysts. XI.A comparative study of the toxic effects of pyridine and 2,2'-bipyridyl on some Raney catalysts. J. Chem. Soc., 4438–4441.
123. G. M. Badger and J. M. Sasse (1961). So-called “2-triacetylthiophene” (a boron compound). J. Chem. Soc., 746–747.
124. G. M. Badger and J. Novotny (1961). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XII. Pyrolysis of benzene. J. Chem. Soc., 3400–3402.
125. G. M. Badger and J. Novotny (1961). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XIII. Pyrolysis of 3-vinylcyclohexene. J. Chem. Soc., 3403–3407.
126. G. M. Badger and R. W. L. Kimber (1961). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XIV. Pyrolysis of [a–14C]ethylbenzene. J. Chem. Soc., 3407–3414.
127. G. M. Badger (1961). The Chemistry of Heterocyclic Compounds (Academic Press: New York).
128. G. M. Badger (1962). Chemical Basis of Carcinogenic Activity (C.C.Thomas: Springfield, III.).
129. G. M. Badger, P. Cheuychit and W. H. F. Sasse (1962). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. XIII. Desulfurization of alcohols derived from thiophene. J. Chem. Soc., 3235–3240.
130. G. M. Badger, P. Cheuychit andW. H. F. Sasse (1962). Synthetical applications of activated metal catalysts. XIV. Desulfurization of 2,7-dihydrodibenzo[c,e]thiepin. J. Chem. Soc., 3241–3242.
131. G. M. Badger and P. J. Nelson (1962). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. XIV. Indoloquinoxalines. J. Chem. Soc., 3926–3931.
132. G. M. Badger, R. J. Drewer and G. E. Lewis (1962). The synthesis of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. II. Optical rotatory dispersion studies of 1,1'-bianthryls. J. Chem. Soc., 4268–4271.
133. G. M. Badger, R. L. N. Harris, R. A. Jones and J. M. Sasse (1962). Porphyrins. I. Intramolecular hydrogen bonding in pyrromethenes and porphyrins. J. Chem. Soc., 4329–4337.
134. G. M. Badger (1962). Mode of formation of carcinogens in human environment. National Cancer Institute Monograph, No. 9, 1–16.
135. G. M. Badger (1962). The desulfurization reaction, in T. S. Gore, B. S. Joshi, S.V. Sunthankar and B. D. Tilak, eds. Recent Progress in the Chemistry of Natural and Synthetic Colouring Matters and Related Fields (New York), pp. 629–640.
136. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donelly and T. McL. Spotswood (1962). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XV. The pyrolysis of 2,2,4-trimethylpentane (isooctane). Aust. J.Chem. 15, 605–615.
137. G. M. Badger, R. W. L. Kimber and J.Novotny (1962).The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XVI.The pyrolysis of [1–¹⁴C]tetralin. Aust. J. Chem. 15, 616–625.
138. G. M. Badger, R. J. Drewer and G. E. Lewis (1963). Arsenobenzene and related compounds. Aust. J.Chem. 16, 285–288.
139. G. M. Badger and C. P. Whittle (1963). Reaction of naphthyl radicals with naphthalene. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 440–444.
140. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donnelly and T. M. Spotswood (1963). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XVII. The pyrolysis of a gasoline. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 392–400.
141. G. M. Badger and P. J. Nelson (1963). Polynuclear heterocyclic systems. XV. Dihydroquinoxalino[2,3-b]quinoxalines. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 445–450.
142. G. M. Badger and J.W. Clark-Lewis (1963). Molecular rearrangements in some heterocyclic compounds. Molecular Rearrangements 1, 617–654.
143. G. M. Badger and J. Novotny (1963). Mode of formation of 3,4-benzopyrene at high temperatures. Nature 198, 1086.
144. G. M. Badger and J. Novotny (1963). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XVIII. The pyrolysis of n-decane. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 613–622.
145. G. M. Badger and J. Novotny (1963). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XIX. The pyrolysis of [d–14C]butylbenzene. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 623–635.
146. G. M. Badger, R.W. Hinde,W. E. Matthews and T. M. Spotswood (1963). Condensation of cyclohexanone and anthranilic acid. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 732–733.
147. G. M. Badger, B. J. Christie and H. J. Rodda (1963). Isolation of N,N-dimethyl-4-methoxyphenylethylamine from Teclea simplicifolia. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 734–735.
148. G. M. Badger, L. M. Jackman, R. Sklar and E. Wenkert (1963). The structures of rotundifoline and mitragynol. Proc. Chem. Soc., 206.
149. G. M. Badger, H. P. Crocker, B. C. Ennis, J. A. Gayler,W. E. Matthews,W. O. C. Raper, E. L. Samuel and T. M. Spotswood (1963). Doebner-Miller, Skraup, and related reactions. I. Isolation of intermediates in the formation of quinolines. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 814–827.
150. G. M. Badger, B. C. Ennis and W. E. Matthews (1963). Doebner-Miller, Skraup, and related reactions. II. Preparation and cyclization of 3-methyl-4-(2-nitroanilino)-2-butanone. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 828–832.
151. G. M. Badger, H. P. Crocker and B. C. Ennis (1963). Doebner-Miller, Skraup, and related reactions. IV. Intermediates and by-products in the preparation of 1,10-phenanthrolines. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 840–844.
152. G. M. Badger andW. H. F. Sasse (1963). The action of metal catalysts on pyridines. Adv. Heterocyclic Chem. 2, 179–202.
153. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donnelly and T. M. Spotswood (1963). Thin-layer chromatography using partially acetylated cellulose as adsorbent. J. Chromatog. 10, 397–398.
154. G. M. Badger, R. J. Drewer and G. E. Lewis (1963). Photochemical reactions of azo compounds. II. Photochemical cyclodehydrogenations of methyl-and dimethylazobenzenes. Aust. J. Chem. 16, 1042–1050.
155. G.M.Badger,N.KowankoandW.H.F.Sasse (1964). Chromatography on a column of Raney cobalt. J. Chromatog. 13, 234.
156. G. M. Badger, J. A. Elix and G. E. Lewis (1964). Synthesis of [18]annulene trisulfide. Proc. Chem. Soc., 82.
157. G.M.Badger,P.CheuychitandW.H.F.Sasse (1964). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. XXII. Desulfurization of 2,5-diphenyl-1,4-dithiin. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 353–365.
158. G.M.Badger,P.CheuychitandW.H.F.Sasse (1964). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. XXIII. The desulfurization of thianthrene. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 366–370.
159. G.M.Badger,P.CheuychitandW.H.F.Sasse (1964). Synthetic applications of activated metal catalysts. XXIV.The desulfurization of sulfones. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 371–374.
160. G. M. Badger and A. D. Ward (1964). Porphyrins. II. The synthesis of porphyrins from 2-aminomethylpyrroles. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 649–660.
161. G.M.Badger,S.D.JoladandT.M.Spotswood (1964). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XX. Pyrolysis of [1–¹⁴C]naphthalene. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 771–777.
162. G. M. Badger, R. W. L. Kimber and J. Novotny (1964). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXI. Pyrolysis of n-butylbenzene over a range of temperatures from 300^◦ to 900^◦ at 50^◦ intervals. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 778–786.
163. G. M. Badger, P. J. Nelson and K. T. Potts (1964). 1,2,4-Triazoles. VIII. s-Triazolo[2,3-a]pyrazine derivatives. J. Org. Chem. 29, 2542–2545.
164. G. M. Badger, R. L. N. Harris and R. A. Jones (1964). Porphyrins. III. Preliminary studies on the synthesis of porphyrin a. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 987–1001.
165. G.M.Badger,R.L.N.Harrisand R.A.Jones (1964). Porphyrins. IV. Further preliminary studies on the synthesis of porphyrin a. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1002–1012.
166. G.M.Badger,R.L.N.Harrisand R.A.Jones (1964). Porphyrins. V. The cyclization of linear tetrapyrroles.Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1013– 1021.
167. G.M.Badger,R.L.N.Harrisand R.A.Jones (1964). Porphyrins. VI. The relative reactivities of substituted pyrroles. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1022–1027.
168. G. M. Badger, R. A. Jones and R. L. Laslett (1964). Porphyrins. VII. The synthesis of porphyrins by the Rothemund reaction. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1028–1035.
169. G. M. Badger, R. J. Drewer and G. E. Lewis (1964). Photochemical reactions of azo compounds. III. Photochemical cyclodehydrogenation of substituted azobenzenes. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1036–1049.
170. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donnelly and T. M. Spotswood (1964). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXII. Pyrolysis of phenanthrene. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1138–1146.
171. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donnelly and T. M. Spotswood (1964). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXIII. Pyrolysis of anthracene. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1147–1156.
172. G. M. Badger, R. A. Jones and R. L. Laslett (1964). Porphyrins. VIII. Stepwise synthesis of porphyrins.Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1157–1163.
173. G. M. Badger, C. P. Joshua and G. E. Lewis (1964). Photocatalyzed cyclization of benzalaniline. Tetrahedron Lett., 3711–3713.
174. G. M. Badger and R. P. Rao (1964). Azaindoles. I. Introduction. Aust. J. Chem. 17, 1399–1405.
175. G. M. Badger, J. A. Elix and G. E. Lewis (1965). Synthesis of [18]annulene trisulfide. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 70–89.
176. G. M. Badger, N. C. Jamieson and G. E. Lewis (1965). Photochemical reactions of azo compounds. IV. Further photochemical cyclodehydrogenations. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 190–198.
177. G. M. Badger and R. P. Rao (1965). Azaindoles. II. Synthesis of pyrazolo[4,3c]pyridines. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 379–387.
178. G. M. Badger and M. E. Mitchell (1965). A 1,5-anionotropic rearrangement in a substituted 1,2-benzanthracene. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 919–921.
179. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donnelly and T. M. Spotswood (1965). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXIV. Pyrolysis of some tobacco constituents. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 1249–1266.
180. G. M. Badger and R. P. Rao (1965). Azaindoles. III. Synthesis of pyrazolo[3,4b]pyridines and pyrazolo[3,4-d]pyrimidines. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 1267–1271.
181. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis, U. P. Singh and T. M. Spotswood (1965). Synthesis of [18]annulene dioxide sulfide. Chem. Commun., 492.
182. G. M. Badger, C. P. Joshua and G. E. Lewis (1965). Photochemical reactions of azo compounds. V. Photochemical cyclodehydrogenation of amino-, acetyl-, and nitroazobenzenes. Aust. J. Chem. 18, 1639–1647.
183. G. M. Badger (1965). Pyrolysis of hydrocarbons. Progr. Phys. Org. Chem. 3, 1–40.
184. G. M. Badger, S. D. Jolad and T. M. Spotswood (1966). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. The pyrolysis of [3–¹⁴C]indene. Aust. Chem. 19, 85–93.
185. G. M. Badger, S. D. Jolad and T. M. Spotswood (1966). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. Pyrolysis of [1–¹⁴C]styrene. Aust. Chem. 19, 95–105.
186. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis and U. P. Singh (1966). Synthesis of [18]annulene l,4-oxide7,10:13,16-disulfide.Aust. J. Chem. 19, 257–268.
187. G. M. Badger, R. J. Drewer and G. E. Lewis (1966). Photochemical reactions of azo compounds. VI. Determination of quantum yields, and some aspects of the mechanism of photochemical cyclodehydrogenation. Aust. J. Chem. 19, 643–666.
188. G. M. Badger, J. K. Donnelly and T. M. Spotswood (1966). Formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXVII. The pyrolysis of isoprene. Aust. J. Chem. 19, 1023–1043.
189. G. M. Badger, J. A. Elix and G. E. Lewis (1966). Synthesis of [18]annulene trioxide. Aust. J. Chem. 19, 1220–1241.
190. G. M. Badger, J. A. Elix and G. E. Lewis (1966). Stereochemistry of some α,β-di(2thienyl)acrylonitriles and β,β'-di(2-thienyl)α,α'-(2,5-thiophen) diacrylontriles. Aust. J. Chem. 19, 1243–1250.
191. G. M. Badger, J. A. Elix and G. E. Lewis (1966). Vilsmeier-Haak formylation of 2,2'bithenyl. Aust. J. Chem. 19, 1477–1479.
192. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis and U. P. Singh (1966). Synthesis of [18]annulene 1,4:7,10dioxide–13,16-sulfide. Aust. J. Chem. 19, 1461–1476.
193. G. M. Badger, S. D. Jolad and T. M. Spotswood (1967). The formation aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXVIII. Pyrolysis of propyl-1–¹⁴Cbenzene. Aust. J. Chem. 20, 1429–1438.
194. G. M. Badger, S. D. Jolad and T. M. Spotswood (1967). The formation of aromatic hydrocarbons at high temperatures. XXIX. Pyrolysis of methylstyrene and 2-[1–¹⁴C]methyl styrene. Aust. J. Chem. 20, 1439–1450.
195. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis and U. P. Singh (1967). The synthesis of 1,4-epimino[18] annulene 7,10:13,16-disulfide.Aust. J. Chem. 20, 1635–1642.
196. G. M. Badger, J. A. Elix and G. E. Lewis (1967). Preparation of pyrrole-2,5-diacetic acid. Aust. J. Chem. 20, 1777–1778.
197. G. M. Badger, J. H. Bowie, J. A. Elix, G. E. Lewis and U. P. Singh (1967). Mass spectra of 18-annulene derivatives. Skeletal rearrangement upon electron impact. Aust. J. Chem. 20, 2669–2676.
198. G. M. Badger, G. E. Lewis and U. P. Singh (1967). Preparation of methyl cis-α,β-di(2pyrrolyl)acrylate. Aust. J. Chem. 20, 2785– 2787.
199. G. M. Badger and J. K. Teubner (1968). Chemical carcinogens. Aust. J. Sci. 30, 239–246.
200. G. M. Badger (1969). Aromatic Character and Aromaticity (Cambridge University Press: New York).
201. G. M. Badger (1973). The Quality of the air: A study of pollution. Search (Sydney) 4, 58–65.
202. G. M. Badger (1973). Three Princes of Serendip: Chemical discoveries by accident and sagacity. Proc. Roy.Aust. Chem. Inst. 40, 273–280.

Miscellaneous Publications

203. G. M. Badger (1968). Science Policy Machinery for Australia (Australian Academy of Science: Canberra).
204. G. M. Badger (1970). Captain Cook: Navigator and Scientist (Australian National University Press: Canberra).
205. G. M. Badger (1972). ‘Is Modern Technology a Blueprint for Destruction’, address to a seminar held on 2 and 3 September 1972 by Friends of the Earth, Adelaide University. A copy of the published address is held by the Australian Academy of Science.
206. G. M. Badger (1973). ‘A Report of the Committee on Worker Participation in Management, Private Sector (South Australia)’.
207. G. M. Badger (1974). An Australian Science Policy (Australian Academy of Science: Canberra).
208. G. M. Badger (1974). The Nature of Scientific Discovery: Fundamental Research in Science (Australian Academy of Science: Canberra).
209. G. M. Badger (1980). The Role of Government in Science. Australian Physicist 17, 157–160.
210. G. M. Badger (1988). The Explorers of the Pacific (Kangaroo Press: Kenthurst, NSW).
211. G. M. Badger (1996). The Explorers of the Pacific 2nd edition (Kangaroo Press: Ken-thurst, NSW).
212. G. M. Badger (2001). The Explorers of Australia (Kangaroo Press: East Roseville, NSW).

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.20, no.1, 2009. It was written by Ian D. Rae, School of Philosophy, Anthropology and Social Inquiry, Faculty of Arts, University of Melbourne, Vic. 3010, Australia. Email: iandrae@bigpond.com

Acknowledgements

The Australian Academy of Science holds a video interview conducted with Badger, plus a transcript and two curricula vitae. I was pleased to have access to these documents and be able to draw on them in writing this Memoir. An extensive autobiographical manuscript is held by family members.

I acknowledge the considerable assistance in compiling this memoir that I have received from librarians and archivists at schools and universities, especially Ms Rosanne Walker of the Australian Academy of Science. I have also been helped by people who worked with Badger in a number of spheres, notably Sir Arvi Parbo, Dr Roy Green and Dr Bruce Middleton, by Sir Geoffrey’s brother, Hugh Badger, and by Emeritus Professor Peter Teubner. Several chemists helped me with information about Sir Geoffrey or about the University ofAdelaide or the wider world of chemistry, and I am grateful to Dr Malcolm Thompson, Dr George Gream, Dr Wolfgang Sasse and Emeritus Professor Bruce West for this. Most helpful of all was Emeritus Professor Athel Beckwith, Badger’s successor in the Chair of Organic Chemistry at Adelaide and later Professor in the Research School of Chemistry at the Australian University.

Written by A. G. Klein.

Introduction

Geoffrey Ivan Opat, Professor of Experi­mental Physics at the University of Mel­bourne, died suddenly at home on 7 March 2002, at the age of 66. He was one of Australia’s most versatile and highly respected physicists, scholars and teachers and his death came as a profound shock to the staff of the University of Melbourne and to the physics community in Australia.

His enthusiasm for teaching physics at all levels, from kindergarten to post­graduate, and his enormously creative ideas in many different areas have been the hallmarks of a remarkable career in research and in service to the physics profession and to education in Victoria, in Australia and internationally.

Family Background and Childhood

Geoffrey Opat was born in Melbourne on 16 November 1935, the eldest of four sons born to Samuel and Leah Opat (née Mecoles). His mother was born in Aus­tralia, one of five children of a Russian immigrant and his Swiss wife whom he met in Australia, both having migrated to Australia in their twenties. Geoff’s father, Sam, came to Australia from Poland in 1929, as a penniless young man seeking his fortune. Having studied shoe design in Europe, he set up a very modest factory, making ladies’ felt slippers. He later shifted to fashion leather shoes because, as quoted by Geoff, he realised ‘that women nowadays don’t want anything felt’ – thus illustrating the Opat predilection for wit and risqué humour. Indeed, Sam Opat is remembered as a very witty as well as kind-hearted man – character traits inher­ited and perhaps amplified by Geoff. Before the Second World War, sensing the impending disaster in Europe, Sam Opat was instrumental in bringing to Australia his parents and many members of the extended family – particularly his brothers whom he took into partnership in the factory that eventually became Opat Brothers. Many of the family members who stayed behind perished in concen­tration camps. The few who survived the holocaust emigrated after the war and were helped by Geoff’s father to establish them­selves in Australia. Their tales of horror and survival left a profound impression on Geoff and no doubt shaped some of his attitudes towards immigrants, refugees and people (including students) from different cultural backgrounds.

Sam Opat also owned, and helped run, a mixed farm in Gladysdale, not far from Melbourne. Many of Geoff’s childhood memories and interests came from this farm, with its machinery, animals and, in particular, technological contraptions such as the Diesel engine and generator, the 110-volt battery bank and DC lighting system, the centrifugal pumps and the early model radio sets. All these things fascinated young Geoff and moulded his interests and his deep-seated desire to learn how things work. He also liked to tinker by inventing and building toys that worked, as opposed to inanimate models in the shape of real objects such as the dinky cars or dolls that other boys and girls played with. (One of Geoff’s earliest inventions was an electric fence for snails in the form of two strips of foil connected to a battery –– enough to deter snails by electrocution.)

All in all, Geoff had a very happy childhood at home and on the farm, sur­rounded by loving parents and family who were quite permissive and who exposed him to a rich physical and cultural environ­ment. Their Jewish background implied a respect for books and learning and a joyous calendar of holidays and festivities that left a lasting impression on Geoff. Though not a strictly observant Jew, he closely identified with his faith and its traditions and was a loyal member (and some-time Vice-President) of the Temple Beth Israel in Melbourne.

Although they appear to have led a comfortable middle-class existence, the family was by no means opulent, Sam Opat having spent most of his fortune on helping his extended family. They did, however, buy Geoff all the books he wanted as a boy (such as ‘The Lively Youngster’ series of six volumes by T. G. S. Rowlands that were still in his library almost sixty years later). They also sent Geoff to a private school –– Brighton Grammar School – then a small boys’ school where Geoff had some very fortu­nate experiences in being taught by a generation of highly talented people who saw in the teaching profession a secure way of surviving the great depression. He was particularly influenced by a science teacher, John Asche, an Australian Bach­elor of Engineering and Master of Science who had spent most of his career teaching in a mission school in China, before the revolution. He taught Mathematics, Physics and Chemistry and had knowledge far beyond the average, thus being able to satisfy Geoff’s growing thirst for knowl­edge.

In fact, Geoff decided to become a scientist at a very early stage – he couldn’t remember how early – partly because of the interests acquired on the farm and partly from reading his favourite books. This preference was strongly reinforced by Mr Asche: Geoff couldn’t have fallen into better hands. Though not very good at sports and not very keen on some other school activities such as cadets, he did very well in all subjects, not just Science and Mathematics, and ended up, in 1953, as Dux of Brighton Grammar – a considerable achievement and a great boost to his self-confidence.

University Education

It was a foregone conclusion that Geoff would go to University, his desire to do Science – particularly Physics – being tempered by his father’s wish that he do ‘something professional’ such as Engi­neering. A compromise was reached allow­ing Geoff to enrol in Science and Engineering at the University of Mel­bourne in 1954. It was in the First Year Engineering class – in the Drawing Office, to be precise – that he and I met and struck up an instant rapport. However, Geoff disappeared from this class not long afterwards because of the rigorous though somewhat mindless Engineering Drawing practice. Having spilt Indian ink on his first assignment, he balked at having to re-do it and promptly abandoned Engineering. Aware that there was not much joy in science unless one is very good at it, he convinced his parents that he could always fall back on the shoe trade if he couldn’t achieve his aims as a scientist.

It was an interesting time to be studying at the University of Melbourne. Student numbers had settled down to about 7500 after the post-war glut of returned service­men and Physics was still basking in the aura of its Second World War successes. The staff of the Physics Department was engaged in several interesting research projects: David Caro and John Rouse were building a variable-energy cyclotron; Victor Hopper was building up his cosmic ray research with high-altitude balloons carrying photographic emulsions; low- energy nuclear physics was being pursued with several accelerators built in the Department – such as a several hundred keV Cockcroft-Walton chain, a 17 MeV electron synchrotron and a giant free-air Van de Graaf generator that was something like 10 metres tall and could throw impres­sive lightning bolts. Along with this were some smaller projects in thermal physics and the beginnings of theoretical physics research. All this was ruled (a carefully chosen word!) by Professor Leslie Martin (later Sir Leslie, Kt, FRS) who, following the example set by his predecessors, Pro­fessors Thomas Lyle FRS and Thomas Laby FRS, strongly encouraged research in a university and a department that were slowly emerging from the colonial era.

Geoff enjoyed his studies and the kind of teaching that encouraged students (the keener ones, anyway!) to look up things for themselves in the library. In this way, several lecturers noted for their fairly mediocre presentation were later remem­bered with gratitude. In his First Year he was taught by Dr Walter Kannuluik, an unexciting lecturer whose lectures were nevertheless quite popular because he wrote excellent summaries on the black­board. By contrast, Dr Russell Love who, according to Geoff, was an outstanding lecturer stimulated his interest in mathe­matics. Second-year Physics was shared between Professor Martin, who lectured on electromagnetism and modern physics, and Associate Professor Eric Hercus, who covered all other aspects of the subject. Martin used an ancient set of notes that he didn’t revise because he was far too busy and often absent on account of his duties as the Australian Government’s chief defence science adviser. These notes contained a few arcane gems to be found only in some of the older textbooks, hunted down by Geoff and a few of his eager classmates. (Among these was, for example, the quad­rant electrometer – a very clever form of classical parametric amplifier upon which Geoff would expound with glee many decades later. At the time, students enjoyed explaining these things to each other, which no doubt contributed greatly to their education.) Likewise with Hercus’s lec­tures: students found them very stimu­lating, often hard to understand, and very conducive to private study in the classical textbooks. There were even a few lectures on Astronomy, which Geoff greatly enjoyed, having read the popular books by Jeans and Eddington. The lectures on optics were somewhat dry and hard to comprehend but it didn’t seem to matter because optics seemed a pretty dead subject then. (The laser revolution was in the distant future!) The lecturer in Pure Mathematics was Dr Angas Hirst (later Professor of Mathematical Physics at the University of Adelaide and a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science) who demanded a very high standard from serious students and who was probably responsible for steering Geoff in a theoret­ical direction.

Third-year Physics lecturing was shared by quite a few people, a notable feature being the theoretical physics courses given by Courtney Mohr who had been a close collaborator of Sir Harrie Massey in England and was one of the few people in the Department who really understood quantum mechanics. Mohr, who later became the Foundation Professor of Theoretical Physics at the University of Melbourne, became Geoff’s mentor and postgraduate supervisor. David Caro’s famous course on electronics attracted students from far and wide, including some from Electrical Engineering. It con­tained all the new material discovered and used during the Second World War, such as pulse techniques, then being freshly applied to nuclear instrumentation. (All done with vacuum tubes, of course – the impact of transistors was just around the corner). Along with the lecture courses, a rigorous programme of practical work was an essential part of the Physics course. Beyond the useful but often mundane laboratory exercises in first year lay the arduous hurdles of second- and third-year ‘prac’, the latter administered with mili­tary discipline by Richard O. Cherry who held the rank of colonel in the Army and who, in earlier years, had participated in the introduction of radio broadcasting to Melbourne. One of Geoff’s favourite anec­dotes concerned one of the standard labo­ratory exercises in Third Year, namely the measurement of the field strength pro­duced by one of the local radio stations, 3LO (now 774 ABC). In his youth Dick Cherry had ridden his motorbike all over Melbourne, carrying a dipole antenna and portable measuring gear. The results were recorded in ‘the’ book that was used to check and assign marks to the measure­ments made by several generations of stu­dents. When it came to Geoff’s turn – horror of horrors, his result was in dis­agreement with ‘the book’ and he was sent back to do it again. He obtained the same result over and over again and, to his credit (or perhaps as an early sign of the scientist that he was to become), he stood his ground. In the eventual showdown, it turned out that the transmitter was under­going extended maintenance and the field strength of the temporary standby was indeed different! (It is not known for how long that state of affairs had prevailed and, indeed, how many compliant students had produced ‘the’ expected result.)

Geoff enjoyed his studies and excelled in them, being almost always at the top of the class or not too far from it, in spite of stiff competition from some excellent classmates. He enjoyed and greatly bene­fited from the scholarship involved in finding things out for himself from text­books: he thus acquired extremely well- developed study skills that stood him in good stead and that he, in turn, tried to inculcate in his students. Somewhat more surprisingly for someone who was to become a theoretical physicist, he also greatly enjoyed the practical work and excelled at it. His childhood experiences with machinery, with woodwork and with electrical things such as radio sets, had resurfaced. For example, he was rather proud of the fact that in 1956, in his third year, he built himself a very high fre­quency radio receiver, using military surplus vacuum tubes and other compo­nents bought from a disposals store. To his great surprise, when he turned it on he heard voices right away. It was the groundsmen at the Melbourne Cricket Ground using walkie-talkies during the Melbourne Olympic Games! However, that was more by the way of a hobby. By Third Year, Geoff was strongly mathematical in orientation and determined to pursue theo­retical physics.

Another formative experience in Geoff’s undergraduate years was National Service – made compulsory by the Menzies Government – which consisted of one three-month stint of Basic Training one summer and two six-week summer camps in subsequent years. Geoff did his ‘Nasho’ with the Melbourne University Regiment at Watsonia Army Camp and subsequently at Puckapunyal, near Seymour, Victoria. Not exactly a model soldier, Geoff sometimes fell foul of the Drill Sergeant for being untidy or for not having sufficiently well-polished brass. The punishment for such offences was to be put on guard duty. This suited Geoff down to the ground: he took a copy of Weatherburn’s Vector Calculus with him to the guardhouse and by the end of summer had studied it from cover to cover. This stood him in good stead in later years: decades later, he could still derive all the standard formulae. Being an amiable and good-humoured character, Geoff made many life-long friends at Nasho, including George Isaak (later Professor of Physics at the University of Birmingham) and me. We have fond memories of discussing scien­tific problems with Geoff to alleviate the boredom of army life, and we often reminisced about our times in the ‘Pucka­punyal campaigns of Her Majesty’s Armed Forces’. There were lots of anecdotes, many of which kept being embellished as the years went on. One vivid memory concerns Geoff’s stint in the Puckapunyal Army Hospital (which was said to exist mainly to deal with social diseases acquired by soldiers). Geoff was hospital­ized for a different infection altogether – in fact by a case of measles – and had many weekend visitors among his army friends. One of his nurses turned out to be the daughter of the Physics Department’s tea lady, who regaled Geoff with inside stories about various senior staff that he promptly passed on to the rest of us.

Geoff obtained his BSc with high honours in 1956 and decided to continue at Melbourne with postgraduate studies in theoretical physics under Courtney Mohr, who pointed him in the direction of theo­retical studies of gamma-ray emission by nuclei. Whilst always available, friendly and ready with wise counsel, Courtney left Geoff fairly much to his own devices – a situation that suited both of them. Geoff was a serious, scholarly and mathemati­cally very able student who taught himself all that he needed to know to tackle the problems posed by the research. His MSc thesis entitled ‘Photonuclear Reactions’ was completed in 1958 and already showed a thorough grasp of the field. Geoff then went on to do a PhD at the University of Melbourne. Though the University had been awarding PhD’s since 1948, this was a somewhat unusual choice on his part since most students who could do so con­tinued to go overseas to do their PhD – usually to Cambridge, Oxford or one of the other British universities. Geoff chose to stay in the comfort of the parental home, secure in the knowledge that he could continue his researches on his own with the financial help of a General Motors Holden’s Postgraduate Scholarship. Indeed he succeeded and submitted a very fine PhD thesis in 1961 entitled ‘Theoretical Investigations concerning Photonuclear Reactions’. This contained important results, the so-called sum rules in gamma- ray transitions in nuclei. The publications resulting from it continue to be cited in textbooks and review articles, being funda­mental to the field.

Some of Geoff’s numerical calculations involved the CSIRO-built computer, CSIRAC, one of the very first general- purpose digital computers in the world, which was then housed in the Physics Department in Melbourne. It was a very slow and cumbersome machine by present standards but was a great advance on mechanical calculators and gave its users a thorough appreciation of how computers work. As one of its early users, Geoff received a grounding in computational methods, machine language and digital systems in general that far exceeded the understanding of theorists before or since. However, the greatest outcome of Geoff’s PhD studies was the remarkable self- reliance and self-confidence in approach­ing any problem in Physics that he devel­oped. Somehow he never lost faith in his ability to get somewhere with the most recondite problems, even if he could not arrive at an actual solution. This dogged perseverance, coupled with formidable analytical skills, was the hallmark of Geoff Opat as a physicist.

However, the fact that his work was never tied to a realistic time-scale was, later in his career, sometimes very frustrat­ing for his students and collaborators. Geoff could supply solutions but could never be relied upon to do so on time or to a deadline. When faced by seemingly insurmountable difficulties, his usual ploy was to side-track to some other fascinating problem and give learned discourses on some topic of little or no relevance to the problem at hand, never admitting that he was stumped. People frequently gave up in desperation and abandoned the problem or worked out a rough and ready answer for themselves. Geoff would come up with the correct and elegant solution at some indef­inite time later, sometimes too late to be of any material help.

Upon completing his PhD, Geoff won a prestigious Fullbright travelling fellowship that took him to the USA for post-doctoral studies from 1961 to 1964. However, before taking up his fellowship, he married Diana (née Rogers) who accompanied him to the USA.

Postdoctoral Fellow at Pennsylvania

Just as it was for Australian postgraduate students, the usual track for Australian post-docs at this time was Oxford, Cam­bridge or perhaps one of the better red- brick British universities such as Birming­ham where Mark Oliphant had attracted several young Australian physicists. How­ever, Geoff received wise advice from Ed Muirhead, then a relatively new senior lecturer in the Physics Department who was doing experimental work on photonu­clear reactions, and Keith Mather, another Physics staff member who had worked at Washington University in St Louis (and who later became Director of the Alaska Geophysical Institute). All three realised that, in the post-war world, the centre of gravity of Physics had shifted away from Europe to the United States. Keith Mather recommended Geoff to an old friend, the theorist Henry Primakoff, who was then at the University of Pennsylvania. Ed Muirhead had recently won a fellowship to the same university. In due course Primakoff appointed Geoff as a post- doctoral fellow on what seemed a princely salary of $US 6000. So the Muirheads and the Opats proceeded to Pennsylvania at about the same time and the two families ended up as close friends, living just one street away from each other.

Henry Primakoff was a very distin­guished theorist who, by that time, had made two important contributions – one to the theory of weak interactions and another to the study of magnetic materials. He was a very versatile physicist from whom Geoff learned a great deal in depth, in breadth and in style. Together they studied an interesting problem, namely the capture by atomic nuclei of muons – particles found in cosmic rays or in high- energy interactions.

The University of Pennsylvania had an excellent Physics Department and Geoff, who had very wide interests, learned a great deal in all sorts of different areas of Physics – largely by sitting in on all the department’s graduate courses. There was, for instance, Robert Schriefer, who later shared a Nobel prize for explaining super­conductivity, who gave a course on mag­netism. A visitor from Japan, Ryogo Kubo, gave a course on statistical physics, partic­ularly stochastic theory. Another short course, given by E. T. Jaynes, explored the connection between information theory and thermodynamics. These and others like them were avant-garde courses that left a lasting impression on Geoff’s under­standing of physics.

Geoff also attended graduate ‘summer courses’ at Brandeis University in Boston where he heard J. D. Jackson (who wrote the definitive text on electromagnetism) on the latest advances in particle physics, and the Swedish physicist Gunnar Kallen, one of the leading quantum field theorists of the day. Coming from a smaller place with no formal graduate courses, Geoff was now exposed to the richest possible post­graduate education. Furthermore, his amiable and friendly character once again meant that he was befriended by all and sundry who gave him the best possible ‘private lessons’ in their chosen fields. By the time Geoff returned to Australia, he was not only a highly accomplished theo­retical physicist but he had a smattering of ultra-fast electronics, cryogenics, solid- state physics and a plethora of experi­mental techniques in nuclear and particle physics –– all acquired by looking, listen­ing and learning from experts. He pos­sessed an altogether formidable, encyclopaedic knowledge base that never ceased to amaze his colleagues.

Meanwhile, Geoff’s research activities with Henry Primakoff bore fruit: their results were published only at the end of the investigation, as was customary in the days before the pressure for serial and piece-meal publication of smaller, inter­mediate results became mandated by the granting bodies. Their published paper on muon capture was definitive work that stood the test of time. Some of their results received experimental verification only several decades later – for example from experiments at the Tri-University Meson Factory (TRIUMF) in Vancouver in the 1990s.

Geoff also taught several graduate-level courses. It is reported by Ed Muirhead that Geoff was always available to students and very popular with them. He would fre­quently be seen – just as in Melbourne many years later – giving tutorials or mini-lectures to groups of them who invaded his office.

The years from 1961 to 1964 were happy times for the Opats in Philadelphia, where Diana gave birth to their two daugh­ters, Andrea and Vicki, and they enjoyed life with a circle of good friends – fore­most among whom were the Muirheads. However, their stay came to an abrupt end with a telephone call from Melbourne: Sam Opat, Geoff’s father, had died sud­denly at the age of 57. Geoff was clearly concerned about any genetic implications of his father’s untimely death – more so in later years when he was approaching his fifties. He had thorough check-ups and was under regular medical supervision. He was proud of the fact that he was found to be in excellent health with no indications of any cardiac or vascular symptoms. He took regular exercise on most days by walking around the tan at the Melbourne Botanic Gardens. His sudden death from heart failure at the age of 66 was, indeed, a bolt out of the blue.

In 1964 Geoff and Diana and the two little girls returned to Melbourne and Geoff took up a Senior Lectureship in Physics in his Alma Mater in what was by then the multi-professorial School of Physics, headed by Professor David Caro. In the years following their return, Diana gave birth to another two children, both boys, Stephen and David who, along with the two girls, grew up and settled in Melbourne.

Senior Lecturer in Physics

Geoff took up his appointment as Senior Lecturer in Physics in August 1964. Several other new staff members were to join the School around that time, including me, recruited from the Australian Atomic Energy Commission. At that time the School of Physics was running the 12 MeV variable-energy cyclotron staffed by Professor Caro and Dr John Rouse. Then there was a 35 MeV Siemens Betatron acquired and run by Brian Spicer who was to be promoted to a Personal Chair in the following year and who was designated as Director of Nuclear Studies. He was later joined by Dr Ed Muirhead and Dr Max Thompson, returning from post-doctoral appointments in the USA. A 600 keV electrostatic accelerator, dubbed the Stati­tron, was run by Drs Graeme Sargood and Colin McKenzie. A completely separate ‘empire’, the Diffraction Group, was pre­sided over by Professor John Cowley, a noted electron diffraction and electron microscopy expert, formerly at the CSIRO, who had been appointed to a Chair around 1962, and was supported by Dr Hein Wagenfeldt and in due course several younger staff members, including Dr Alan Spargo, Dr Zwi Barnea and Dr Bill Swindell. Each of the above research groups had several lively PhD students, as had the small Theoretical Physics group consisting of Professor Courtney Mohr (nuclear physics) and Dr Ken Hines (plasma physics). Geoff was a welcome addition to the theory group and soon acquired several highly talented Honours students. These included, in the first two years, Graham Lister, Ed Smith, Rod Crewther and Chris Hamer, all of whom later became successful academics.

Geoff’s presence in the School of Physics was like a breath of fresh air. With strong support from David Caro, he articu­lated a fresh vision for the School. With help from several young colleagues he set about revolutionizing the curriculum by introducing designated core subjects (such as Classical Mechanics, Quantum Mech­anics, Thermal Physics and Electro­magnetism) and optional subjects (Optics and Diffraction, Nuclear Physics, etc). A lively Curriculum Committee debated the contents of each of these courses and how the subject matter was to be distributed among the undergraduate years.

In parallel with this radical shake-up of the undergraduate courses that was cata­lyzed and led by Geoff, the undergraduate laboratory exercises, some of which had remained unchanged for decades, received an equally thorough revamp at the hands of some of the ‘young turks’. The increasing number of staff members who had been exposed to North American practices all gave their strong support to these reforms, that resulted in a high-quality and up-to- date curriculum in the Melbourne School of Physics.

Another important reform, also spear­headed by Geoff, was the institution of formal course work in Fourth Year (Honours). The rational analysis of the undergraduate curriculum carried out by the Curriculum Committee made it clear that quite a few topics indispensable to a well-trained physicist could not be covered in three years and the rising number of research students meant that it was more economical to give formal courses of lectures on such topics. This was, at the time, quite a radical departure; it was not adopted by other Science Faculty depart­ments for many years.

Geoff and his research students, mean­while, were pursuing various aspects of theoretical particle physics. Geoff became increasingly aware, however, of the need for the kind of closer contact with the experimental aspects of the subject that he had enjoyed in Pennsylvania. The same thoughts were beginning to be articulated by Professor Dave Peaslee, an American physicist then in the Research School of Physical Sciences at the ANU.

Peaslee had great trouble trying to ‘sell’ experimental particle physics (otherwise known as high-energy physics) to the ANU School of (mostly) low-energy nuclear physicists. In his frustration, he came to Melbourne, joined forces with Geoff and convinced David Caro that the future lay in experimental high-energy physics. The upshot was the formation of the Melbourne High Energy Physics (HEP) Group – led by Geoff and David Caro. With help from Dave Peaslee, they mapped out a research programme, obtained a substantial grant from the then recently established predecessor of today’s Austra­lian Research Council (then called the Robertson Committee – later to become the Australian Research Grants Commit­tee) and wrote up a proposal for experi­ments to be carried out at the Brookhaven National Laboratory in the USA. The research programme was designed to hunt for a set of excited sub-nuclear species that had been predicted to arise in the inter­action of antiprotons with neutrons. The experiments needed a beam of antiprotons, a species of anti-matter then available in copious beams at the Brookhaven proton synchrotron, and a target of deuterium (heavy hydrogen). The interactions, which exemplified the annihilation of matter by anti-matter, were to be observed in a bubble chamber filled with liquid deuterium at around 20° above absolute zero, as trails of bubbles left when incident antiprotons reacted with the deuterons and spat out a bunch of other particles – the products of the reactions.

Brookhaven National Laboratory had such a bubble chamber as well as the beam of antiprotons and, furthermore, had a gen­erous policy of allowing external ‘user groups’ of researchers from universities (American or foreign!) to bid for free access to the apparatus. The budding Mel­bourne HEP Group sent their experimental proposal to the director of the Brookhaven facility and followed it up with a personal visit by Geoff in 1968. Geoff didn’t let on that he was actually a theorist, and was cordially received by Dr Ralph Shutt and told that his proposal was accepted. How­ever, the experiment had to be done the following week, when a group from the University of Syracuse, New York, were finishing their run. With amazing audacity, Geoff accepted the challenge and spent the following days understudying the Syracuse group, making firm friends with its leader, Professor Ted Kalogeropoulos, and his staff, and receiving a veritable ‘brain trans­fusion’ from them (to use a typical Opat turn of phrase).

The following week, Geoff single- handedly retuned the antiproton beam-line to his specifications and then spent several days and nights, non-stop, accumulating a quarter of a million photographs in quad­ruple-view stereo, recording the inter­actions of the antiprotons with the deuterons in the bubble chamber. In the process, he learned almost everything that there was to be known about the ‘trade’ from other physicists, and from the local crew of technicians who were running the bubble chamber. This fantastic technical feat by a so-called theorist and the auda­cious self-confidence and self-reliance that it demonstrates could only be compared with something like landing a jumbo-jet after only one week of flying lessons.

The 250,000 frames of 70-mm film, technically ‘on loan’ from the Brookhaven National Laboratory, were shipped to Mel­bourne and arrived some time after Geoff returned. (They were duly examined by Australian Customs who telephoned Pro­fessor Caro for his assurance that the film contained no ‘R-rated’ material, because they couldn’t find anything on it that made sense to them!)

However, that was only the beginning of the experiment: the tracks on the film still needed to be measured, reconstructed in three dimensions and analyzed frame by frame (at least those frames that showed the type of interaction that was being sought). This required optical projectors and precision measuring machinery as well as computer programs for doing the recon­struction and the analysis. At this stage, Geoff and David Caro were joined by me (then an instrumentation expert) and by Bill Wignall who had studied particle physics at Cambridge.

The mammoth task was divided eight ways. Two people did the optical design for the projectors; two people designed the measuring machines; two people adapted and rewrote the computer programs, and two people analyzed the high-energy physics. But there were only four of us, so everyone did at least two things – and Geoff did a bit of everything!

After about a year the results started to come through and the other members of the group went to Brookhaven for more experimental runs and more film to bring home. Several new research students joined the group and some of the prelim­inary results were written up for publi­cation. These preliminary data, which roughly classified the different types of sub-nuclear reactions and estimated their relative prevalence, was a valuable contri­bution to the literature. Twenty or so years later, long after bubble chambers became obsolete, higher-precision experiments carried out with more advanced instrumentation at CERN in Geneva veri­fied and validated our results.

The so-called ‘resonances’ – the excited states of particles that were being sought – never actually materialized in spite of valiant efforts by Dave Peaslee to extract statistically significant ‘bumps’ from the data. (He even tried to convince the rest of the group of the existence of ‘negative bumps’ caused by a low-lying data-point, provoking Geoff to comment that all camels have one hump – only some have a positive hump and some have a negative hump.) Nevertheless, the time spent pondering the meaning of the experi­ments bore fruit. Geoff reinterpreted the data and discovered a very interesting result that verified an important property of the strong nuclear interaction. The experiments verified that a new quantum number called ‘g-parity’ was conserved, as expected by the rapidly emerging quark theory of sub-nuclear phenomena. Further­more, a much more surprising phenome­non was also shown to exist, namely that there would be as many particles thrown forward as backward under the condition of the experiment. This so-called beam- target reversal symmetry in the anti- proton–neutron system was one of the most interesting outcomes of the research programme. All in all, about twenty papers in international journals and several PhD theses resulted from this experimental pro­gramme over the approximately six years of its existence.

The Chair of Experimental Physics

In 1971 David Caro, who had been increasingly preoccupied with the Univer­sity’s central administration, resigned from the Chair of Experimental Physics to take up a full-time Deputy Vice-Chancellor­ship. (He later left the University of Mel­bourne to become Vice-Chancellor of the University of Tasmania, returning a few years later to become Melbourne’s Vice- Chancellor.) A protracted worldwide search ensued for a new professorial appointee in the area of experimental high- energy physics. In 1973, a year or so after the Opats’ return from sabbatical leave at the Rutherford Laboratory near Oxford where Geoff spent a lot of time in forging fresh international links, it was revealed that the Selection Committee had unani­mously agreed that an internal candidate, namely Geoffrey Opat, was to be appointed to the Chair of Experimental Physics. He was 37 years old at the time and a little diffident, but he nevertheless accepted with alacrity. The news of an internal appointment was very well received in the School since everyone rec­ognized Geoff’s outstanding contributions to both teaching and research. With hind­sight it was indeed an excellent appoint­ment. The fact that Geoff had originally trained as a theorist, and had joined the staff as a theorist, was by that time largely irrelevant in view of his successful activi­ties in the experimental area. Meanwhile, Courtney Mohr having retired, the Chair of Theoretical Physics was filled in 1972 with the appointment of a brilliant young Sydney physicist, Bruce McKellar, who came via the Princeton Institute of Advanced Studies and who took over the leadership of theoretical nuclear and parti­cle physics.

Two new staff members joined the Experimental HEP group: Stuart Tovey was recruited from CERN and Ches Mason from England, both of them experi­enced particle experimentalists who broad­ened the skill base of the group. However, by the mid-1970s it became clear that bubble chambers were becoming obsolete as experimental tools and that other, hugely more expensive particle detectors were coming into service. Some attempts were made to enter into collaborations with other groups in order to participate in more advanced experiments (e.g. using heavy liquid bubble chambers with inter­nal hydrogen or deuterium targets) but it was becoming increasingly clear that the Melbourne Group – along with many similar-sized outfits overseas – was no longer able to compete with more richly endowed organizations. Several group members started looking for alternative research projects. Stuart Tovey, who was a highly respected member of a CERN group before coming to Melbourne, suc­cessfully continued in that capacity and became ‘our man at CERN’. Other research groups in a similar position, from other universities all over Europe, com­bined their efforts and joined very large, multi-institution, multi-national collabora­tions, thus continuing experimental particle physics with a completely differ­ent modus operandi. That was the direction in which the Melbourne HEP Group con­tinued too, and in later years flourished. For a few years it remained the only group to represent Australia at CERN. Later it was joined by a small group from the University of Sydney and various theoret­ical particle physics groups from else­where in Australia to form the Australian Institute of High Energy Physics that, to this day, continues its activities at CERN and elsewhere.

Geoff and I, meanwhile, went off in a completely new and unexpected direction following a 1973 visit to the university by the noted Israeli physicist Professor Yuval Ne’eman of Tel Aviv University. In a private conversation about mutual acquaintances, Ne’eman mentioned some recent theoretical work by Yakir Aharonov and his student Leonard Susskind purport­ing to show that rotations of fermions by 360° would lead to observable effects. Ordinary macroscopic objects, as well as particles with integral spin – called bosons –– when rotated by 360° about any axis, return to where they started from and thus show no signs that they have under­gone a rotation. On the other hand, fermi­ons, which are the class of particles with half-integral spin and include electrons, protons and neutrons, behave differently: their wave-functions develop a minus sign when rotated by 360°. Since observable quantities depend on the square of the wave-function, however, it was thought that the minus sign was simply a mathe­matical artefact, not an observable effect. Aharonov and Susskind proposed a ‘thought experiment’ in which half of a box containing a single electron was to be rotated by 360° and allowed to recombine with the remaining half. An interference effect (in the quantum-mechanical sense) would reveal the minus sign.

After meeting Ne’eman, Geoff and I, who used to drive home together, contin­ued discussing this intriguing effect and realised that the rotation effect could be accomplished simply by placing particles that had a non-zero magnetic moment in a magnetic field. However, particles such as electrons would be swept away because of their charge. Hence a realistic experiment ought to be done with neutral particles such as neutrons. I had had some previous experience with neutron beams and pro­posed running a slow neutron beam past a current-carrying wire (which has oppo­sitely directed magnetic fields on either side) and observing the interference pattern a long way downstream. It was agreed that this would work in principle but in the following few days calculations showed that the currents required could not be carried by wires of the required very small diameter. Thus the proposed experi­ment was nearly stillborn. However, shortly thereafter, Geoff’s ingenuity saved the day. He proposed that, instead of using a fine wire, the neutrons be diffracted by a magnetic domain boundary – the border between regions of opposite magnetization in a crystal of magnetic material (in prac­tice a common iron alloy). The details were soon worked out in a remarkable coopera­tive effort and with mounting excitement a feasible experiment was arrived at. After preliminary research with an optical analogue and computer simulations of the expected effect, a paper was written up for publication and for use as an experimental proposal that was duly accepted at the Institut Laue-Langevin in Grenoble, which had the world’s most intense neutron beams and whose director, Nobel laureate Rudolph Mossbauer, saw the beauty of the experiment (though he admitted later that he had doubts about its feasibility).

I went on a six-month sabbatical to Grenoble in September 1974 and Geoff came later on an extended visit, staying with us over the Christmas–New Year period. During that time Geoff and I worked feverishly to align the beam and to assemble and test the apparatus shipped from Melbourne. The experiment was finally ready to run in January 1975. An excited exchange of Telexes between Grenoble and Melbourne in February announced that the experiment was indeed working and that the results looked hope­ful. Detailed measurement and analysis after I returned to Melbourne showed that the predicted effect was verified. It was a remarkable tour-de-force that would not have been possible except through the collaboration of two people who came from opposite ends of the academic spec­trum: I an electrical engineer who had gone in the direction of abstract physics and Geoff a theoretical physicist who had gone a long way towards pure experimen­tation. We met somewhere in the middle and struck sparks off each other.

The great appeal of this experiment was that it was not simply a measurement but a fundamental experiment that verified a theoretical prediction. For Geoff it had the additional attraction that it could be regarded as an experiment in geometry. In fact, he interpreted it as showing that geometry was not a property of empty space but that it depended on the kind of objects – bosons or fermions – that existed in that space. With a long-standing interest in geometry as applied to general relativity, he was thrilled to have contrib­uted to that notoriously difficult field of experimentation.

Geoff continued to lead the High Energy Physics Group for a few more years but changed its name to ‘Particles and Fields Group’ on the semi-facetious grounds that since everything could be thought to be made up of particles and fields, the group could do any experiments that could be conceived! Further neutron experiments did indeed follow, generally exploiting the techniques that the rotation experiment pioneered and demonstrating other quantum-mechanical effects that depend on the wave-like properties of neu­trons. In the following decade, Geoff and I and our students published a large number of papers on such experiments, carried out initially at the Institut Laue-Langevin in Grenoble, and later at the Missouri Univer­sity Research Reactor (MURR) in collabo­ration with Professor Samuel A. Werner. With quite a few experiments carried out jointly, Sam Werner became a firm and loyal friend to us, with reciprocal visits to Australia and to Columbia, Missouri cementing the friendship.

In 1983, with characteristic generosity, Geoff proposed me for a Personal Chair, to which I was duly appointed in 1983. Our collaboration and close friendship contin­ued unabated and resulted in several other noteworthy experiments. Some of these were concerned with topological effects, again based on theoretical work by Yakir Aharonov of Tel Aviv University. The demonstration of the so-called Aharonov– Casher effect with neutrons led to our being jointly awarded the Walter Boas Prize of the Australian Institute of Physics in 1990. We were also proposed for fellow­ship of the Australian Academy of Science and were both elected in 1994, following another successful fundamental experi­ment that demonstrated the so-called Scalar Aharonov–Bohm Effect. Some of this work, known under the heading of Neutron Interferometry, was noted and commented upon in the general scientific literature – Nature, Science, New Scien­tist, Scientific American, and so on – and some of it found its way into the textbooks. Much of the research was, of course, carried out by research students and partic­ularly noteworthy contributions were made by Alberto Cimmino, who started out as a technical officer with the group but later rose through the ranks, becoming a Profes­sional Officer in the School of Physics and obtaining a Masters’ degree and eventually a PhD.

In 1976–1977 the Opats spent another sabbatical year abroad, this time at the University of British Columbia and the TRIUMF Accelerator Facility in Van­couver. There Geoff was pleased to see the experimental confirmation of his early work on muon capture that he had done as a postdoctoral fellow in Pennsylvania. While there he met and was greatly influ­enced by Professor Bill Unruh, a noted theorist in the field of general relativity and gravitation – a field that was always close to Geoff’s heart. Of particular interest was the detection of gravitational waves emitted by cosmic objects, something that was attempted in those days with large, superconducting metal cylinders. Geoff realised that the coupling of gravitational waves (which travel with the speed of light) with sound waves in the solid detec­tors was extremely inefficient because of the enormous mismatch of the wave veloc­ities. He set about trying to invent an electromagnetic detector, initially based on the idea of a large chamber ‘filled’ with a very intense magnetic field. (Such objects had indeed been used as bubble chambers.) The coupling of gravitational waves with the finite energy content of the magnetic field could, in principle, lead to detectable signals. However, the effect of even static gravitational fields, such as the Earth’s gravity, on metallic objects such as the walls of an empty bubble chamber were not well understood, and so the behaviour of the proposed gravity-wave detector could not be deduced with certainty. There were some confusing and contradictory experimental results in the literature (sev­eral of which later turned out to be simply erroneous) and the whole field was in need of some definitive experiments. Upon Geoff’s return to Melbourne in 1977, several excellent new research students joined the group (still ‘Particles and Fields’ but soon to change to ‘Funda­mental Experiments’ in order to avoid con­fusion) and set about constructing exquisitely sensitive experiments to inves­tigate the effects of gravity and inertia upon the electromagnetic properties of materials. Progress was very slow, partly because signals of the order of magnitude of picovolts (millionths of a millionth of a volt) required great ingenuity and a lot of very hard work, and partly because the false results in the literature acted as ‘red herrings’.

Nevertheless, by the early 1980s a suite of beautiful experiments had been per­formed and several seminal papers were published by Geoff with his students Tim Davis, Tim Darling, Frank Rossi and Gareth Moorhead. They concerned the electromagnetic properties of metals under gravity, inertia and stress, with results that remain unchallenged in the literature. This work found application in an ambitious experimental programme undertaken by a research group at the Los Alamos National Laboratory (and later continued at CERN) concerning the fall of antiprotons in the Earth’s gravitational field. The interest in electromagnetic detectors of gravitational waves was, however, overtaken by large optical interferometers ‘filled’ with laser light, several of which were developed around the world.

The above work went on in parallel with some of the neutron interferometry activi­ties and in parallel with yet another new departure named ‘GAMBLE’ – the Gravity Assisted Molecular Beam Line Experiment. The idea behind the latter was Geoff’s constant desire to do gravity experiments and the fact that neutrons were of too small a mass, and too feeble in beam intensity, to make such experiments feasible. The successes of the neutron experiments as well as some ingenious ideas for experiments with beams of mole­cules led to a protracted undertaking to build an ultrahigh-vacuum beam line for polar molecules. It took several years before eventually a couple of very nice papers came out of this work but, alas, no significant gravity experiment. The episode illustrates Geoff’s willingness to undertake extremely difficult and (with hindsight) unrewarding work in preference to more routine experiments. However, it also underscores his extraordinary confi­dence in attacking new problems and learning new techniques that did not always bear fruit – certainly not in the finite time allowed by contemporary grant­ing agencies. Nevertheless, the few highly significant publications that resulted are still a valid justification for such work, not to mention the outstanding educational opportunities that their challenges pro­vided for the training of graduate students.

The molecular beam work, which suf­fered from some intrinsic limitations, was discontinued around 1990, upon Geoff’s return from another sabbatical year that he spent at the University of Washington, in Seattle, learning new techniques and pon­dering other gravitational experiments relating to the so-called ‘fifth force’ that was very much in the air at the time (but that has since been discredited).

In 1991, at my suggestion, Geoff joined forces with Dr Peter Hannaford from the CSIRO Division of Chemical Physics (which in 1987 had merged with another Division to become the Division of Materials Science and Technology) to propose and carry out very ingenious experiments in the field of atom optics – the logical successor to neutron optics. Significantly, this field, which makes use of the wave-like properties of neutral atoms, would allow one to contemplate gravity experiments. Opat and Hannaford pro­posed to build an atom interferometer, analogous to a neutron interferometer but much more sensitive to gravitational effects because of the greater mass of the atoms and the much more intense beams that were available. In particular, an atom interferometer, if it could be built, would be highly sensitive to gravitational gradi­ents such as the ones produced by under­ground ore bodies and hence could be of enormous value in mineral exploration.

Hannaford, in the spirit of the ‘New CSIRO’ that was by then required to obtain a large fraction of its operating expenses from industry, was very keen to obtain support from the Australian mining indus­try through the Australian Mineral Indus­tries Research Association (AMIRA). He later succeeded in obtaining a sizeable Generic Technology Grant from the Government. At that stage – around 1990 – atom interferometers existed only on paper. Atom-optical components such as mirrors and diffraction gratings had to be invented and developed. That is where Geoff’s ingenuity and experience with neutrons was invaluable, complementing Peter Hannaford’s expertise in handling atoms and laser beams. With help from other CSIRO physicists (Russell McLean, David Gough), several post-doctoral fellows (Andrei Sidorov, Wayne Rowlands, Sile Nic Chormaic), and several graduate students, remarkable progress ensued. Not fast enough, however, for the short-term interests of industry or the CSIRO. The work was too ‘pure’ and too fundamental – in other words, too much real research had to be carried out before the develop­ment phase could be reached. While this was consistent with Geoff’s temperament, it did not suit the short-term, business-like outlook of CSIRO. By 2001, just as really beautiful results started to emerge and attract great interest and acclaim inter­nationally – in particular, the demonstra­tion of magnetic mirrors on which atoms would bounce as if on a trampoline – CSIRO support ceased and the group moved to Swinburne University of Tech­nology in Melbourne. Peter Hannaford was appointed a Professorial Fellow there and a more far-sighted institutional policy allowed the work to flourish, leading to several very significant publications. Around that time the phenomenon of Bose–Einstein condensation of atoms became an experimental reality (leading to the 2001 Nobel prize in physics) and showed promise of supplying a coherent atomic beam for atom interferometry. The work of the Hannaford–Opat group was highly regarded internationally and looked like having a great future. This was the state of affairs at the time of Geoff’s sudden death. The group was devastated. Geoff, who had retired from the Chair of Experimental Physics at Melbourne in the previous year and had been appointed Adjunct Professor at Swinburne while continuing as a Professorial Fellow in the Melbourne School, was a vital contributor, without whom the group at Melbourne simply fell apart. Hannaford’s group at Swinburne, however, has recovered and is soldiering on.

Educational Activities and Scholarship

Geoff’s contributions to undergraduate and postgraduate education in the School of Physics have already been described. He continued as a key member of the Curricu­lum Committee and as its Chairman for most of his 37 active years and continued to keep an eye on the syllabus of each subject. He also instituted and annually updated a ‘Lecturer’s Manual’ – a docu­ment that contained all the useful informa­tion that lecturers, new and old, needed for teaching and examining each of the courses offered.

Beyond this vital involvement with teaching in the School of Physics, Geoff took a serious interest in high school edu­cation in Victoria. He was a member and later Chairman of the Physics Standing Committee of the Victorian Universities and Schools Examinations Board (VUSEB) and served as Chief Examiner in 1966 and 1967. He also became a member of VUSEB itself, representing the Univer­sity of Melbourne, and stayed on in that capacity for several decades through suc­cessive changes of that organization, which later became the Victorian Institute of Secondary Education (VISE) and later still the Victorian Curriculum and Assess­ment Board (VCAB). During that time, participation in secondary education soared and concomitantly, standards unavoidably fell. Geoff’s was a lone voice crying out for rigorous intellectual stand­ards in a period when successive govern­ments were implementing mass education. He became used to being outvoted time after time and had no illusions about his political effectiveness. Nevertheless he soldiered on, realising the importance of keeping rigorous intellectual values alive in the face of expediency and cynicism.

In parallel with this essentially thank­less political activity, Geoff instigated and participated in numerous activities aimed at making contact with secondary school science teachers, particularly physics teachers, and providing in-service training, enrichment material and general support. The so-called ‘July Lectures in Physics’ – a series of four annual lectures aimed at high school physics teachers and the inter­ested lay public were inaugurated in 1967 and have taken place each year since then, with Geoff giving one of the lectures each year except when he was overseas. He usually lectured on some topic of advanced physics from an elementary standpoint (and occasionally one of elementary physics from an advanced standpoint). This highly popular lecture series, which packed large lecture theatres year after year, was supplemented by an annual in- service training day for physics teachers, organized by Geoff, that addressed particu­lar topics in the high school curriculum. He later participated in international efforts along similar lines, in the Asia Pacific Science Education Network (ASPEN) supported by UNESCO. In 1989 he organized a highly successful ASPEN conference on the teaching of optics, held in Melbourne.

In 1988, realising that there was a strong demand for curriculum enrichment for bright, high-achieving secondary stu­dents, Geoff organized another activity that he dubbed the ‘Physics Gymnasium’ that held several after-hours sessions each year. For this he enlisted some of the School’s best undergraduate lecturers and sometimes graduate students. He often gave highly illustrated talks himself, one of his favourites – repeated several times to fresh audiences – was ‘The Physics of Boomerangs’, which was greatly enjoyed by the students as well as by Geoff. He was a true enthusiast who never tired of pre­senting the excitement of physics to what­ever audience he could find. This included colleagues from other parts of the Univer­sity who, over lunch, were exposed to learned discourses on whatever physics topic was in the news or was uppermost in Geoff’s mind at the time.

Of course colleagues and students in the School of Physics were the prime targets for this kind of informal teaching, which was clearly one of Geoff’s favourite pastimes. He spent an inordinate amount of time explaining physics to other physicists, to postgraduate students and to the occa­sional undergraduate student – indeed to anyone who found their way into his office. Invariably people left his office enlightened – not necessarily on the question that they had come about but always by something interesting and illuminating on any one of an enormously wide range of subjects. Geoff’s encyclopaedic grasp of physics was extraordinary. He was interested, and very well read, in a remarkable range of topics, covering all areas of the subject, picked up in a lifetime of scholarship and by very wide reading: In fact, Geoff had a ‘private’ arrangement with the Physics Librarian who regularly brought him every new book that was bought for the library, to be pre-read and internalized by him before it appeared on the shelves. He was, indeed, a true scholar who followed the talmudic precept of never ceasing to learn. And having learned, he had a burning desire to pass on his knowledge.

Geoff’s breadth as a scholar was widely recognized and led to his advice being sought nationally and internationally. He served on numerous Chair selection com­mittees and several departmental review committees at other universities in Aus­tralia and in other countries, as well as on the Australian Research Council’s physics grant-selection committee for several years.

However, the time taken up by scholar­ship was often at the expense of Geoff’s own creative work. Many colleagues felt that he could have achieved more if he had focused his interests to a greater extent. Arguably, however, he made a greater impact on physics by being such a superb scholar and teacher as well as a successful researcher. This also explains why his research was almost always in collabora­tion with others who helped to channel his creative efforts into more goal-oriented directions. However, his collaboration was very highly valued – and not only for his scholarship. He often exhibited his creative streak with flashes of insight into problems providing unusual or unexpected solutions. Geoff was, indeed, a physicist’s physicist!

One way in which this was manifested was in Geoff’s phenomenal talent to do calculations, usually in front of an audi­ence of research students and group mem­bers. Without ever consulting data sheets or handbooks, he could estimate practi­cally any physical quantity, starting with his collection of ‘desert-island’ formulae and basic data. These were the things that one would carry on to a desert island where no libraries, computers or calcula­tors were to be found. Other formulae would be derived, on the spot, from an irreducible set that he simply carried around in his head. The data were a seem­ingly odd but very shrewdly selected set of numbers in an easily remembered form. Instead of numbers for things like the mass of the electron or the gravitational constant in SI (or cgs) units, he had things like Plank’s constant as ‘200 MeV-fermi’, the mass of the sun as ‘6 kilometres’ (which is actually the Schwarzschild radius) the length of a year as p.10⁷  seconds – and so on. He would typically say seemingly incongruous things such as ‘multiply top and bottom by the square of the velocity of light’ that led to very effective numerical short cuts.

Other Activities

Along with inventing new experiments, one of Geoff’s favourite activities was inventing new gadgets –– some of which were more useful than others. One of the more useful ones, invented jointly by Geoff, Alberto Cimmino and me, was a wide-range extensometer or length trans­ducer, dubbed the ‘Rubbery Ruler’ by the University’s patent attorney. It eventually led to worldwide patents and an ‘R&D 100 Award’ as one of the 100 most technologi­cally significant new products in the year 1995. Geoff was inordinately proud of this achievement and never tired of telling people about it. It was intended, initially, to replace a physiological transducer based on the electrical resistance of a column of mercury contained in a thin latex tube. With the ‘Rubbery Ruler’ one measures the capacitance between two strands of a double helix of fine wire contained inside a rubber tube. It found various medical, physiological and agricultural applica­tions, and was even used in the instrumen­tation of the space suits of European astronauts. Alas, it did not turn into a commercial success because it lacked the ‘killer application’ that would have gener­ated a mass market.

Throughout his life, Geoff undertook many voluntary activities and accepted several honorary positions. He was an active board member of the Temple Beth Israel Hebrew Congregation, rising to the position of vice-president of the Alma Road Temple Beth Israel. With a special interest in Jewish music, he organized several very successful concerts.

Service to professional societies included active membership of the Vic­torian Committee of the Australian Insti­tute of Physics for many years. He also served in 1989 as President of the Austra­lian Optical Society, which elected him to honorary life membership after his retire­ment. In 1994 he took up a three-year position on the Physical Sciences and Mathematics Panel of the Australian Research Council. A few years after his election to Fellowship of the Australian Academy of Science in 1994, he became Chairman of the Victorian Group of Fellows and with the help of his faithful secretary, Mrs Mikki Narielvala, organized very successful social functions several times a year for several years.

Finally, in recognition of his bound­lessly creative ideas, he was invited to become a Board Member of the Museum of Victoria, and to chair its Research Com­mittee. He also chaired the Research Com­mittee of the Victorian College of the Arts where he was highly respected for his original ideas on research in the arts.

Geoff’s enthusiasm spilled over into many other areas. He was a notable opera lover and, for many years, a keen ‘bath­room tenor’. Some time in the 1980s he decided to take singing lessons, from which he derived enormous enjoyment. Characteristically, he read everything he could find about the physics of the human voice and would give impromptu dis­courses on the subject to anyone who would listen. On the occasion of one of his daughters’ weddings, he gave a memorable Pavarotti impersonation – complete with white handkerchief – at the conclusion of which it was unanimously agreed that his singing was very much better than Pavarotti’s physics. From opera, it was but a short step to learning Italian, taken up with gusto and practised on several trips to Italy – as a tourist on some occasions and as an invited lecturer at a European Physics Summer School, held in Sicily, around 1994.

Geoff’s other principal hobby was farming, though not very seriously, on a holiday property at Red Hill on the Morn­ington Peninsula. Typically, Geoff revelled in pumping water between different tanks, devising irrigation systems for fruit trees, taking his grandchildren on donkey rides and so on. He bought two Irish donkeys one of which, unbeknownst to him, was pregnant at the time – so he ended up with three donkeys! He called the mother donkey Hazel (from the German for donkey: Esel) and its progeny was named Annie (from the French for donkey: Ane). Geoff delighted in such word games, in fact he had a whole fictitious cast of char­acters, for example among Olympic ath­letes, the Russian high-jumper ‘Upanova’ and the Chinese high-jumper ‘Lee Ping’.

Wit and humour played a very impor­tant part in Geoff’s life. Not the least aspect was the swapping of jokes with whoever would listen. He was indeed a delightful character, full of good humour and harmless wit, and was universally loved by friends, colleagues, administra­tive and technical staff, and students.

First and foremost, however, Geoff was a devoted husband and father who took great pride in his two daughters and two sons, all of whom grew up to be successful adults who inherited their father’s sense of humour. Family life was a great source of satisfaction to Geoff and this is to the great credit of Diana who not only ran two highly efficient households – one at Moorakyne Avenue, Malvern, and the other at the holiday place at Red Hill – but who also, according to humorous con­fessions made at Geoff’s 60th birthday party, kept the children ‘off his back’ so that he could get on with his beloved physics. Between them, Diana and Geoff provided boundless hospitality to students, colleagues and visiting academics. They had a very wide circle of close friends, to whom were added all the new friends that they made while on sabbatical leave over­seas. Apart from the extended sojourns in Philadelphia, Oxford, Vancouver and Seattle, the Opats travelled widely – to conferences in Europe, the USA, Israel and Japan, as well as on tourist trips in later years to Turkey, Italy, Sweden and else­where. Geoff attracted new friends wher­ever he went and particularly enjoyed the linguistic adventures involved in learning new words and phrases. For instance, he taught himself a few dozen characters of Japanese, treating the whole thing like a new mathematical formalism. He even tried to translate jokes into Japanese! In 1999, a year before his retirement and a year after mine, a special session in our honour was held by the Australian Optical Society at its Sydney conference. This was well attended by quite a few overseas friends and collaborators from the USA, Austria and Italy, in addition to numerous former students and younger colleagues. Several interesting papers were presented and several anecdotes retold, to Geoff’s great pleasure and amusement.

In later years, one of Geoff’s principal sources of delight and satisfaction was the time he spent with his grandchildren, of whom there were ten at the time of his death. He was telling them jokes or teach­ing them things – usually science ––At every opportunity. On one occasion, bright spark Oscar – clearly destined to become a scientist! –– told his kindergar­ten teacher that ‘my Grandpa knows every­thing’. Geoff was promptly invited to demonstrate this and, in due course, turned up at the kindergarten equipped with simple science demonstrations with which he proceeded to delight the children. A photo of Geoff sitting with all his grand­children on a big couch took pride of place in his office. He simply revelled in their uncritical admiration and in the warmth of their unconditional love.

On Australia Day 2002, in recognition of Geoff’s outstanding contributions to education and of his unstinting voluntary activities in various organizations, he was appointed an Officer in the Order of Aus­tralia (AO). He was enormously pleased by this honour, as were his family and his friends. It was recognized by everyone that this was a richly deserved accolade. Geoff had this to say in reply to the many con­gratulatory messages that poured in:

As you know, I have spent much of my life in a labour of love, trying to understand a little more about the world, trying to let oth­ers know about it, and hopefully interesting them in it. Most people do not have the good fortune to spend a life working at what they love. To be recognized for it as well is an added pleasure. I have every intention of continuing my pursuits into the future.

Alas, he did not have the chance. He died suddenly, at home one morning, only two months later. The funeral service and commemoration at the Temple Beth Israel, as well as the one in the School of Physics a short while later, were very moving occasions – packed by hundreds of people whose lives had been touched, irre­versibly, by this larger-than-life character.

About this memoir

This memoir was originally published in Historical Records of Australian Science, vol.16, no.1, 2005. It was written by A. G. Klein, School of Physics, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria.

Numbers in brackets refer to the bibliography.

Acknowledgments

This memoir is based largely on the author’s personal knowledge, supplemented by Geoff Opat’s highly detailed curriculum vitae that has been deposited in the Basser Library of the Australian Academy of Science. A further important source of information was the record of an extensive interview of Geoff by Dr Ragbir Bhatal for the Oral History Section of the National Library of Australia, in May 1998. A trans­cript of this interview may be accessed as Document TRC 3726. I am very grateful to Professors Caro, Hannaford, Muirhead and Wignall and to Mrs Diana Opat who have read and commented on the draft and par­ticularly to Professor Rod Home whose help and advice were invaluable.

Bibliography

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45. Opat, G.I. (1984). Matter – its ultimate struc­ture. Recent developments in our understand­ing of the basic constituents of matter and their interactions. Lab Talk 1, 14–23.
46. Darling, T.W., Klein, A.G., Opat, G.I., and Tovey, S.N. (1984). Direct measurement of rotation by a laser speckle method. Opt Acta 31, 813–821.
47. Arif, M., Kaiser, H., Werner, S., Cimmino, A., Hamilton, W.A., Klein, A.G., and Opat, G.I. (1985). Null Fizeau effect for thermal neutrons in moving matter. Phys Rev A 31, 1203–1205.
48. Grigg, M.W., Davis, T.J., Cimmino, A., Klein, A.G., and Opat, G.I. (1986). Elastic moduli of solids – a method suitable for high temperature measurements. J Phys E Sci Instrum 19, 1059–1063.
49. Hamilton, W.A., Opat, G.I., and Wark, S.J. (1987). A self aligning white light mono­chromatic interferometer consisting solely of a mirror and a reflection grating. J Mod Opt 34, 1375–1384.
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56. Goodman, P., Grigg, M., Opat, G., Peele, A., Drennan, J., and Rohan, P. (1989). Depend­ence of YBaCuO superconductor properties on constituent oxide preparation I. CuO and BaCO₃ pre-treatment. J Am Ceram Soc 72, 856–859.
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68. Opat, G.I. (1991). Statistical analysis of neutron interferometer detection systems. Rev Sci Instrum 62, 1947–1950.
69. Opat, G.I. (1991). The precession of a Foucault pendulum viewed as a beat phenom­enon of a conical pendulum subject to a Coriolis force. Am J Phys 59, 822–823.
70. Opat, G.I., and Unruh, W. (1991). Theory of an earth-bound clock comparison experiment as test of the principle of equivalence. Phys Rev D 44, 3342–3344.
71. Hajnal, J.V., and Opat, G.I. (1991). Stark effect for a rigid symmetric top molecule: exact solution. J Phys B–At Mol Opt 24, 2799–2805.
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73. Allman, B., Cimmino, A., Klein, A.G., Opat, G.I., Kaiser, H., and Werner, S.A. (1992). The scalar Aharonov–Bohm experi­ment with neutrons. Phys Rev Lett 68, 2409–2412.
74. Darling, T., Rossi, F., Opat, G.I., and Moorhead, G. (1992). The fall of a charged particle under gravity – a study of experi­mental problems. Rev Mod Phys 66, 237.
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76. Wark, S., and Opat, G.I. (1992). An electro­static mirror for neutral polar molecules. J Phys B 25, 4229–4240.
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79. Rossi, F., and Opat, G.I. (1992). Observation of the effects of adsorbates on contact poten­tials. J Phys D Appl Phys 25, 1349–1353.
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81. Opat, G.I. (1993). On the effects of gravita­tional fields on the electrical properties of matter. Aust J Phys 46, 647–650.
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85. Hannaford, P., McLean, R.J., Opat, G.I., Rowlands, W.J., and Sidorov, A. (1994). Towards a cold-atom matter wave interfero­meter. Quantum Opt VI, Springer Proc Phys 77, 18–26.
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87. Kearney, P.D., Klein, A.G., Opat, G.I., and Gahler, R. (1996). Imaging and focussing of neutrons by a zone plate. In Selected Papers on Zone Plates, ed. J. Ojeda-Castaneda and C. Gomes-Reino (SPIE Optical Engineering Press, Bellingham, Washington DC), pp. 398–399.
88. Feng, X.-P., Witte, N.S., Hollenberg, L.C.L., and Opat, G.I. (1996). Reflection and diffrac­tion of atomic de broglie waves by evanescent laser waves – Bare state method. Aust J Phys 49, 765–775.
89. Rowlands, W.J., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., and Hannaford, P. (1996). Manipulating beams of ultra-cold atoms with a static magnetic field. Aust J Phys 49, 577–587.
90. Rowlands, W.J., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., and Hannaford, P. (1996). Stern–Gerlach deflec­tion of a beam of ultra-cold caesium atoms. In Laser Spectroscopy XII, ed. M. Inguscio, M. Allegrini and A. Sasso (World Scientific, Singapore), pp. 134–137.
91. Rowlands, W.J., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., and Hannaford, P. (1996). Magnetostatic state- selective deflection of a beam of laser-cooled atoms. Opt Commun 126, 55–60.
92. Rowlands, W.J., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., and Hannaford, P. (1996). Magnetostatic manipu­lation of beams of laser-cooled atoms. Laser Physics 6, 274–277.
93. Rowlands, W.J., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., and Hannaford, P. (1996). Magnetostatic manipulation of beams of laser-cooled atoms. In Proceedings of the International Symposium on Modern Problems of Laser Physics, ed. S.N. Bagayev and V.I. Denisov (Siberian Division of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Novosibirsk), pp. 199–206.
94. Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., Opat, G.I., Rowlands, W.J., Lau, D.C., Murphy, J.E., Walkiewicz, M., and Hannaford, P. (1996). Magnetostatic manipulation of beams of laser- cooled atoms. Quantum Semicl Opt 8, 713–725.
95. Sidorov, A.I., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., McLean, R.J., Rowlands, W.J., and Hannaford, P. (1997). Magnetostatic optical elements for laser-cooled atoms. Modern Problems of Laser Physics, ed. S.N. Bagayev and V.S. Denisov (Siberian Division of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Novosibirsk), pp. 299–316.
96. Sidorov, A.I., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., McLean, R.J., Rowlands, W.J., and Hannaford, P. (1998). Microfabricated magnetostatic mirrors for cold atoms. In Laser Spectroscopy, eds Z.J. Wang, Z.M. Zhang and Y.Z. Wang (World Scientific, Singapore), pp. 252–255.
97. Richmond, J.A., Nic Chormaic, S., Cantwell, B.P., and Opat, G.I. (1998). A mag­netic guide for cold atoms. Acta Phys Slovaca 48, 481–488.
98. Minogin, V.G., Richmond, J.A., and Opat, G.I. (1998). Theory of the time orbiting (TOP) quadrupole trap for cold atoms. Phys Rev A 58, 3138–3145.
99. Sidorov, A.I., Lau, D.C., Opat, G.I., McLean, R.J., Rowlands, W.J., and Hannaford, P. (1998). Magnetostatic optical elements for laser-cooled atoms. Laser Phys­ics 8, 642–648.
100. Lau, D.C., McLean, R.J., Sidorov, A.I., Gough, D.S., Koperski, J., Rowlands, W.J., Sexton, B.A., Opat, G.I., and Hannaford, P. (1998). Magnetostatic optical elements for laser- cooled atoms. Proc 6th Symp Laser Spectrosc 6(3), 24–32.
101. Opat, G.I., Nic Chormaic, S., Cantwell, B.P., and Richmond, J.A. (1999). Magnetostatic optical elements for laser-cooled atoms. J Opt B–Quantum S O 1, 415–419.
102. Lau, D.C., Sidorov, A.I., Opat, G.I., McLean, R.J., Rowlands, W.J., and Hannaford, P. (1999). Reflection of cold atoms from an array of current-carrying con­ductors. Eur Phys J D 5, 193–199.
103. Lau, D.C., McLean, R.J., Sidorov, A.I., Gough, D.S., Koperski, J., Rowlands, W.J., Sexton, B.A., Opat, G.I., and Hannaford, P. (1999). Magnetic atom optical elements for laser-cooled atoms. J Korean Phys Soc 35, 127–132.
104. Lau, D.C., McLean, R.J., Sidorov, A.I., Gough, D.S., Koperski, J., Rowlands, W.J., Sexton, B.A., Opat, G.I., and Hannaford, P. (1999). Magnetic mirrors with micron-scale periodicities for slowly moving neutral atoms. J Opt B–Quantum S O 1, 371–377.
105. Gough, D.S., McLean, R.J., Sidorov, A.I., Lau, D.C., Koperski, J., Rowlands, W.J., Sexton, B.A., Hannaford, P., and Opat, G.I. (1999). A magneto-optically recorded mirror for cold atoms. In Laser Spectroscopy, ed. R. Blatt, J. Eschner, D. Leibfried and F. Schmidt-Kaler (World Scientific, Singa­pore), pp. 340–341.
106. Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., Sexton, B.A., Gough, D.S., Davis, T.J., Akulshin, A., Opat, G.I., and Hannaford, P. (2001). Micron- scale magnetic structures for atom optics. CR Acad Sci IV 2(4), 565–572.
107. Akulshin, M., and Opat, G.I. (2001). The ‘storage of light’ and very large variations of the group velocity of light in coherently pre­pared atomic media. AOS News 15(2/3), 30–35.
108. Sidorov, A.I., McLean, R.J., Scharnberg, F., Gough, D.S., Davis, T.J., Sexton, B.A., Opat, G.I., and Hannaford, P. (2002). Perma­nent magnet microstructures for atom optics. Acta Phys Polonica B 33, 2137–2155.
109. Richmond, J.A., Cantwell, B.P., Nic Chormaic, S., Lau, D.C., Akulshin, A.M., and Opat, G.I. (2002). A magnetic guide for neutral atoms. Phys Rev A 65, 033422.
110. Akulshin, A.M., Cimmino, A., and Opat, G.I. (2002). Negative group velocity of a light pulse in caesium vapour. Quantum Electron 32, 567.
111. Akulshin, A.M., Cimmino, A., Sidorov, A.I., Hannaford, P., and Opat, G.I. (2003). Light propagation in an atomic medium with steep and sign reversible dispersion. Phys Rev A 67, 011801.

Books

1. Opat, G.I. (Editor and part author.) Physics in General Science: Worksheets for Years 7-l0 (S.T.A.V., February 1983).
2. Opat, G.I. (Editor and contributor.) Proceed­ings of the ASPEN Conference/Workshop on the Teaching of Optics (Melbourne, Septem­ber 1989).

Films

1. Opat, G.I. et al. The Ammonia Maser (with Audio-Visual Aids and the Post Office, 1961).
2. Opat, G.I. Connections Between Electricity and Magnetism. (Made by Media Unit, Uni­versity of Adelaide, September 1984, and Media Unit, University of Western Australia, October 1985).